翻译| 团结就是力量：彭湃与海丰农会

Citywalls,whosestrengthP'engP'aihadcometoknowinhiscampaignagainstthereactionariesofHaifeng,areagoodsymboloftheconflictthatshapedhiscareeramongthepeasantsfromthefallof1922on.Withinthecitylaythecenterofbureaucraticandeconomicpowerinthehandsofofficials,gentry,andlandlords,anelitethattheCh'ingadministrationhadreinforcedtothepointwhereitcouldnolongeractasfathertothepeople,itssons.Citieswereseveredfromtheirsurroundingcountryside.P'engremarkedonthedifferenceinappearancebetweencityfolkandvillagefolk,foritseemedasthoughtheyworetheuniformsoftwocontrastingsocieties:"Whenthevillagerssawme,theythoughtIwasoneoftheirenemies."InHaifeng,peasantswereforbiddenthelargebamboohatandstoodoutintheirowndistinctiveheadgear.Thetwocampsatedifferentfoodandoftenscarcelyunderstoodeachother'sspeech."Thepeasantscomingtotownfeltliketigersinthepublicgarden,"awkwardanduneasywithinthewallsandtreatedwithderisionbytheirmastersintheyamen.Ctp品论天涯网

在反对海丰反动势力的斗争中，彭湃已经领教过城墙的坚固。城墙是一个绝佳的象征，代表着自1922年秋起塑造彭湃农民运动生涯的斗争。城市里集中了官僚和经济的权力，掌握在官员、士绅和地主手中。清朝统治不断强化这批精英，以至于他们已无法再做一名父母官。城市与周围乡村彼此隔绝。彭湃谈及城里人与乡下人的外表差异，两者仿佛穿着两个截然不同的社会的制服：“乡下人看见我，以为我是他们的敌人之一。”在海丰，农民不准戴大竹笠，只能戴自己的特殊头饰，因而一眼就能认出来。两个阵营吃的东西不同，彼此的话也常常难以听懂。“农民进城，觉得像老虎进了公园”，在城墙之内局促不安，又受到衙门里那些老爷们的嘲弄。Ctp品论天涯网

Fortifiedcitiesinparticularbroughtoutthisseparateness.CitadelssuchasChiehshihandChiehsheng,withtheirpopulationsmadeuplargelyofdescendantsfromgarrisonsoldiers,wereabywordformilitaryoppressionofsurroundingareas.Peasants,"thedevilsinthevillages,"weredespisedandswindled.Clanscouldexertasimilartyranny.InP'uning,3ovillagesaroundthecountycapitalwerefleecedofanannual6,oooyüanrewardindemnitybytheFang(backedupby6ooforeignguns)forhelpgivennputtingdownarevoltinthepast.Ctp品论天涯网

设防的城市尤其凸显了这种隔阂。碣石、捷胜等城堡的居民，多为驻军后裔，这些地方成了军事压迫周边地区的代名词。农民被称为“乡下的魔鬼”，遭人鄙视和欺骗。宗族也能施行类似的暴政。在普宁，方氏凭着600支洋枪作支撑，以过去协助镇压叛乱有功为由，每年向县城周围30个村庄勒索6,000元酬功赔款。Ctp品论天涯网

ThePeasantUnionwasnotslowtotakeupthepeasantcause,andintheearly192o'sitinitiatedanonviolentattackagainstthe"republican"walledcity.Thisrepresentedabreakwithtradition,forinformertimespeasantswouldoccasionallystormtownsbutwouldthen,afterlooting,withdraworestablishanorderidenticaltotheonetheywantedtochange.RealchangeswereoccurringinHai-Lu-feng,asdistrictPeasantUnionsweresetuptoencirclethecountycity"north,south,east,andwest."ThewholeofP'eng's"Report"isabouthowthecountrysidemovedtoconquerthetowninorderthatitmightcompletethe"unfinishedRepubhcanRevolution."Unfortunately,townspeopleweresafebehindtheirwallsofarrogance,whereaspeasantswerecutoffandexcludedbytheirownlackofself-esteem,thinkingofthemselvesas"uselesspeoplenotuptothesonsoffineofficials."P'engP'artriedhardtopulldownthepsychologicalwalls,andyet"Atownsmanneverstoodasideforavillager,ratherthepeasantwithhusloadsteppedasidefortheempty-handedtownsman."Ctp品论天涯网

农会很快就承担起维护农民利益的任务，并在20世纪20年代初对“共和”制度下有城墙环绕的城市发起了非暴力进攻。这代表与传统的一个决裂：过去农民偶尔也会攻入城镇，但劫掠之后便撤走，或建立一种与他们原想改变的秩序完全相同的秩序。海陆丰正在发生真正的变化，各区农会相继建立，从“东、西、南、北”包围县城。彭湃的整篇《报告》，讲的就是乡村如何向城镇进军，以完成那场“未完成的共和革命”。可惜，城里人躲在傲慢的高墙之后安然无恙，农民却因缺乏自尊而自我隔绝、自我排斥，觉得自己是“不中用的人，比不上好官家的儿子”。彭湃极力想拆除这道心理高墙，然而，“城里人从不让乡下人，倒是挑着担子的农民让开，给空着手的城里人过路”。Ctp品论天涯网

Butwhatofthecountrysideoutsidethecitywalls?WhoseweretheendlessfieldsandpaddiesofeasternKwangtung?Wasthepeasant'ssituationreallysodesperate?Itisbynomeanseasytoobtainanobjectivepictureofthehouseholdeconomyinthelowerstrataofthisruralsociety.Mostsurveysanddescriptionsconveyasenseofagrimscene,andsomescholarshaveimpliedorendeavoredtoprovethatrevolutionwasinevitable.LetustrytoexaminetherealityinHaifengaspresentedbyP'engP'aihimselfandothers.Ctp品论天涯网

那么，城墙之外的乡村是什么情形呢?广东东部那无边无际的旱地和水田，究竟属于谁?农民的处境当真绝望到了那种地步吗?要客观了解这个乡村社会下层的家庭经济，绝非易事。大多数调查和描述呈现的都是一幅惨淡景象，有些学者甚至暗示或力图证明，革命是不可避免的。下面试着考察一下彭湃本人及其他人笔下的海丰实况。Ctp品论天涯网

TherewasachronicshortageoflandinHai-Lu-feng.Sincemostoftheruralpopulationlivedbyworkingtheland,considerableunder-useoflaborwasoneresult.ThepeasantsofHaifengwereestimatedinthe1920'stototal280,000,approximately66percentofthepopulation,whereasthoseinLufengwere147,000,or37percent.TheaveragelandcultvatedinHaifengperpeasantwas2.14mou,making10.70mouperhousehold,thelattertakenasfivepersonsandthemouaso.166acres.Inpractice,landareainHaifengwasusuallycalculatedbytheamountofseedthatcouldbeplantedonagivenparcel.Thus,anormalfamilyinHaifengcultivatedasmuchlandascouldbesownwithapiculofriceseeds.Thepicul(130pounds,orapproximatelythreeAmericanbushels)sowedsome10.3standardmou.'P'engP'aicitessixpeasantfamiliesworking3omouamongthem,makinganaverageof5mouperfamily.Buthefurtherstatesthatoneable-bodiedpeasantcouldfarmanareaofroughly7mou,soanordinaryhouseholdcouldthushavefarmedmuchmorelandwithoutdifficulty.Thesizeofareasworkeddidofcoursevarywiththenatureoftheterran,thetypeofland,andtheirrigatonavailable.InHaifeng,farmsonmountainterrainamountedtoqopercentofthetotalcultivatedareaofaround6oo,o0omou—thatis,240,ooomou.Cultivatedlandonflatgroundincludedmuchofthesand-fieldtype.Dry-fieldswereunpopularbecauseofthegreatdealofcapitalrequiredtomakethemproductive,andmountainfieldsalsoprovedexpensive.Ctp品论天涯网

海陆丰长期缺少土地。乡村人口大都靠耕地谋生，因而造成了相当严重的劳动力闲置。20世纪20年代，海丰农民估计共有280,000人，约占人口的66%;陆丰则有147,000人，占37%。海丰每个农民平均耕种2.14亩，按每户五口计算，一户便是10.70亩;一亩按0.166英亩计。实际上，海丰通常按一块地所能播下的种子数量计算面积。因此，一个普通海丰家庭耕种的土地，大致可播下一担稻种。一担为130磅，约合三个美制蒲式耳，可播种约10.3标准亩。彭湃举过六户农民合耕30亩的例子，平均每户5亩。但他又说，一个壮劳力大约能耕7亩，因此普通家庭本来能够毫不困难地耕种更多土地。当然，实际耕种面积随地势、土地种类和灌溉条件而异。海丰耕地总面积约600,000亩，其中山地占40%，即240,000亩。平地耕田中又有不少属于沙田。旱田要投入大量资金才能取得收成，因而不受欢迎;山田的耕作成本同样很高。Ctp品论天涯网

Mostofthelandrentedoutbelongedtothe"collectivelandlord,"whichwastechnicallytheclanorlineage,thevillage,apublicbody,oracharitableorganization.ClanlandpredominatedinHai-Lu-feng.Thosewhomanagedlandthatwascollectivelyowned(abouthalfthecultivatedlandatthistime)didwellforthemselves.Asusual,gentryandlandlordswereintheforefrontastreasurers,secretaries,orrentcollectors.Embezzlementandtherentingoutofthebestlandtoimportantpeoplewerecommon.Thosealreadywelloffbecamericher,someoftheincumbentsremaininginofficevirtuallyforlifeandthepropertyoflargeclansamountingtoseveralthousandmou.Clanlandwasusuallyrentedoutfirsttolineagetenantsandonlythentoothers;ifaclanmemberhadhadabadyear,hewasgivenpriorityonrentingclanlandatafavorablepremium."TheprimeexampleofaclanestatewasthatoftheLinofMeilung,whoaccordingtoP'engP'aicollectedsome1o,ooopiculsofrentperannum,whichwouldmeananareaofabout6,6oomou.Themanagersofsuchestatesoftenwieldedtherealpower,thecontrolofthelandratherthanitsownershipbeingthekeytoinfluence.Ironically,anypeasantwhosoughtarentreductionhadabetterchancewiththeprivatelandlordsthanwiththeclanlandlords,sincethelatterwerequiteunscrupulousand"greatlytobefeared.""Haifenghadmuchlandundercollectivelandlords,andwithsuchmanagementthepeasantbecame"onlyacoginthemachinewhichgroundforothers."Ctp品论天涯网

出租的土地，大部分属于“集体地主”;严格说来，就是宗族或支族、村庄、公共机构或慈善组织。海陆丰以族田为主。当时集体所有的土地约占耕地的一半，经营这些土地的人，往往从中获利甚丰。与通常的情形一样，担任司库、文书或收租人的，主要是士绅和地主。侵吞款项、把好田租给有权势的人，都是常事。原本富有的人变得更富，一些管理者实际上终身在任，而大宗族的田产可达数千亩。族田通常先租给本支族的人，然后才租给外人;若族人遇上歉年，便可优先以较优惠的顶手条件承租族田。梅陇林氏是宗族田产最突出的例子。据彭湃说，他们每年收租约10,000担，据此推算，田地面积约为6,600亩。这类田产的管理者，往往掌握着真正的权力;影响力的关键在于控制土地，而不在于拥有土地。讽刺的是，农民若想减租，找私人地主反而比找宗族地主更有希望，因为后者毫无顾忌，“十分可怕”。海丰有大量土地由集体地主掌握，在这样的管理之下，农民成了“机器上的一枚齿轮，而这架机器只为别人运转”。Ctp品论天涯网

"Privatelandlords"includedallsinglepersonsorfamilieswhoownedlandforrentingout,andespeciallythosewholeasedlandwithoutcultivatingit.AHaifengresidentstatesthatgenerallytheowner-cultivatorfreeholdershadfrom3to4mouandwereconsideredmiddleorpoorpeasants,dependingonthequalityoftheland.Distinctionsbetweenthevariouscategorieswereveryfine.'AllsurveysstressthefactthatChinawasalandmainlyotsmallholdings.InKwangtungtheaxeragewas7.8mouperfamily,whichexplainswhyaftertheNanch'angUprisingtheslogan"Confiscatelandover2oomou"wasresentedbytheKwangtungtroops:intheirprovincetherewerealmostnolandlordswithsomuch.Thissmallnessofplotsresultedfrompopulationpressureandtheprincipleofequalpartitionoflandamongheirs.InMeilung,forinstance,thesevenchildrenofarichpeasantwereeachbequeathed5mouoflandproviding7piculs'worthofrent.Ctp品论天涯网

“私人地主”包括所有拥有土地并出租的个人或家庭，尤其指自己不耕作而把土地租出去的人。一位海丰居民说，拥有土地并自行耕种的自耕农，一般有三四亩地，视土地好坏被归为中农或贫农。各种类别之间的界限十分细微。所有调查都强调，中国主要是一个小块土地所有制的国家。广东每户平均只有7.8亩;这也解释了为什么南昌起义之后，“没收二百亩以上的土地”这一口号会招致广东军人的不满：他们省内几乎没有拥有那么多土地的地主。地块之所以如此细碎，是人口压力和各继承人平均分地的原则共同造成的。例如在梅陇，一名富农有七个子女，每人继承5亩地，可收7担租谷。Ctp品论天涯网

InHaifeng,accordingtotheAgricultureDepartmentoftheKwangtungProvincialUniversity,part-ownersandtenantstogethermadeup65percent,whichleavesthefreeholdersat35percent.Thisissupportedbythe1917StatisticalAnnual,whichputownersat33.5percent,part-ownersat29.2percent,andtenantsat37.3percent.P'engP'ai'sowndatagivemarkedlyfewerownersandmanymoretenants,butsincelandlordsweresorarehisfiguresaresuspect.Ctp品论天涯网

据广东省立大学农业系的资料，海丰的半自耕农与佃农合占65%，其余35%为自耕农。1917年的《统计年鉴》也支持这一判断：土地所有者占33.5%，半自耕农占29.2%，佃农占37.3%。彭湃自己的数字则显示，土地所有者少得多，佃农多得多;但鉴于地主人数如此之少，他的数字值得怀疑。Ctp品论天涯网

TheprivatelandinHaifengamountedto38percent.Thatwouldmeansome200,000mou,which,whendividedbythe60percentcombinedroundfiguresforfreeholdersandpart-ownersinapeasantpopulatonof280,000,wouldmeananaverageof1.2moufor168,000peasant-owners,oranaverageof5mouforalandedfamily.Buttheaverageismisleading:accordingtoP'engP'ai,"villagesthattwentyyearsagohadtenfreeholdingfamihesnowhaveonlytwoorthree."Thatmeantmuchaccumulationandmuchreductionintenancy.Ctp品论天涯网

海丰的私有土地占38%，约合200,000亩。若按农民人口280,000人计算，自耕农与半自耕农合计约占60%，这两个比例都取了整数，那么168,000名拥有土地的农民，平均每人约有1.2亩，也就是有地家庭平均约5亩。但平均数容易造成误解。据彭湃说：“二十年前有十户自耕农的村庄，如今只剩下两三户”。这意味着土地大量集中，租佃也大幅减少。Ctp品论天涯网

SomelandlordsinHaifengwerecalled"dependenthouseholds."Thesewereusuallylandlords'descendantswholivedoffrentsderivedinsomecasesfromlandboughtbyemigrantfamilies—apracticethatcontributedtothescarcityoflandonthemarketanditsincreaseinprice.Thebiggestlandlordinthe192o'swastheCommander'sOffice,thatis,Ch'enChiungmingandhisclanmembers,towhom"thevarioussmalllandlords...onebyonehadtoselltheirland."ThisincorporationoflandmayaccountforthepessimistiefiguresprovidedbyPengPaiandforthepulltowardtenantstatus.Ctp品论天涯网

海丰有些地主被称为“依赖户”。他们通常是靠田租生活的地主后裔，其中一些田地由侨民家庭购置。这种做法使市场上可出售的土地更少，地价也更高。20世纪20年代，最大的地主是督军府，也就是陈炯明及其族人;“各个小地主……不得不一个接一个地把土地卖给他们”。这种土地兼并，或许可以解释彭湃那些悲观的数字，也可以解释农民转而成为佃农的趋势。Ctp品论天涯网

Thepicturethatemerges,then,isofanareawithahighconcentrationoflandinthehandsofafewlargelandlords,ascatteringofsmalllandlords,adecliningnumberoffreeholders,andevergreatertotalsofpartownersandespeciallyoftenants.Thepolarizationofinterestswasunderway.Ctp品论天涯网

由此呈现出的景象是：土地高度集中在少数大地主手里，另有零散的小地主;自耕农人数下降，半自耕农、尤其佃农人数不断增加。利益的两极分化正在形成。Ctp品论天涯网

Soaringlandpriceswerethefirstindicationofthispolarizaton.Accord.ingtotheRussianexpertsVolinandYolk,betwcen1916and1926thepriceoflandinKwangtungroseanywherefrom6opercentto3oopercent.Withmoneyonaninflationarytrend,aHaifengsayinghaditthat"chihtouk'opao"("papers[i.e.titledeeds]canalsofillyourbelly").PriortotheestablishmentofthePeasantUnion,landpriceswenteverupward,"thebusinessoflandtransactiongoingoneveryday."ButwiththePeasantUnionactive,manylandlordsgrewfearfulofpeasantpower,"auctionedofftheirland,andputtheircapitalintobusiness....Solandvaluesdroppeddaily."Thatwasyetanotherproofthatgentry-landlordsturnedentrepreneurswereinthelandbusinessonlyforthecash,withnothoughtforlineageandvillageduties.'Landtransactionscametoahaltandthescoresofmiddlemenalldisappeared.Itwasbeginningtodawnonthelandlordsthatrenting-outwaslosingitsprofitability:inthe1920'sincomecouldhardlykeepaheadofexpenditure.Ctp品论天涯网

地价飞涨，是这种两极分化的第一个征兆。据俄国专家Volin和Yolk说，1916年至1926年间，广东地价上涨了60%至300%不等。货币日益贬值，海丰便有一句话：“纸也可饱”，意指田契也能填饱肚子。农会成立以前，地价不断上涨，“土地买卖天天进行”。但农会开展活动之后，许多地主害怕农民的力量，“拍卖土地，把资本投入商业……于是地价一天天下跌”。这又一次证明，转而经商的士绅地主经营土地，只是为了钱，根本不考虑对支族和村庄应尽的责任。土地交易停顿，几十个中间人也全都消失了。地主们开始察觉，出租土地正在失去盈利能力：到了20世纪20年代，已经入不敷出。Ctp品论天涯网

Therewasnostandardpriceforland,butnormallythe"purchaseperiod"ofamou,thatistosay,theamountofrentrequiredforitspurchase,wastentofifteenyears.Butlandlordscoulddoubletheirholdingsinjustafewyears,anindicationoftherapidaccumulationofpropertythatneedednoinvolvementinitsproductiveuse.ItwasthisthatP'engP'aistrovetogetacrosstothepeasants:"Thelandlordisdeepindebttoyou.Heloafsallyearround,whileyouworkyourselftodeathinthefields.Hetakestherentgrainfromyou.HispieceoflandisworthYrooatmostandyoupeoplehavefarmeditforcenturies.Trytofigureouthowmuchgrainhehascollectedfromyou.Ifyouthinkaboutit,itisreallyunfair."Ctp品论天涯网

地价没有统一标准，但通常一亩地的“购买年限”，也就是用田租收入抵足其买价所需的时间，为十年至十五年。然而，地主只需几年便能把田产翻倍，表明财产能够迅速积聚，而无需参与土地的生产性使用。彭湃努力让农民明白的，正是这一点：“地主欠你们的债太多了。他一年到头游手好闲，你们却在田里做得要死。他从你们那里拿走租谷。他那块田最多值一百元，而你们已经耕种了几百年。算一算，他从你们这里拿走了多少谷子。想起来，实在不公平。”Ctp品论天涯网

P'engP'aiwasspeakinghereoftheprimelandandwet-fieldsinHaifengthatfetchedupwardsofY1oopermou.Itsannualrent(atone-halftheyield)wasaround7piculs.Assumingthatthefarmerwasabletokeeptheentireotherhalfofhisyield—thatis,inP'eng'sfigures,7piculsat￥6perpicul—itwouldtakeroughlytwoandahalfyearsforapeasanttopurchasehisplot.Butthisofcourseignoreslivingandotherexpenses.Inrealtermsapeasantmightbeabletosave2piculsofgrainperyear,letussayone-quarterofhisincome.Thatwouldbe￥12,whichwouldmeanslightlymorethaneightyearstomakethepurchase.Buteventhiscalculationisontheoptimisticside:theKwangtungaverageoftenyearsismorebelievable.P'engP'aiheldthat,whatevertheperiod,thepeasantsweremakingafreegiftofrenttothelandlordsincetheyhadworkedthefieldsforgenerations.Thisappliedevenmoretosecond-andthird-gradeland.ThesecondgradewasboughtinHaifengat￥80to￥90permouatanaveragerentof5piculs,inLufeng￥70at4to5piculs.Third-gradelandwasbetween￥60and￥70at4piculs'rentinHaifeng,and￥50at3to4piculs'rentinLufeng.Ctp品论天涯网

彭湃这里说的是海丰最好的土地和水田，每亩售价在100元以上。其年租约7担，为收获量的一半。假定农民能保留另一半收成的全部，也就是按彭湃的数字，7担、每担6元，那么约两年半就能买下所耕的地。不过，这显然没有计算生活费和其他开支。实际而言，一个农民每年或许能存下2担谷子，姑且算作收入的四分之一，即12元;照此，要略多于八年才能买下土地。但即使这样计算，仍偏于乐观;广东平均十年的数字更可信。彭湃认为，无论需要多少年，农民世世代代耕种土地，交给地主的田租实际上都是白送的。这一点用在二等、三等土地上尤其如此。二等地在海丰每亩售价80至90元，平均租谷5担;在陆丰则售价70元，租谷4至5担。三等地在海丰售价60至70元，租谷4担;在陆丰售价50元，租谷3至4担。Ctp品论天涯网

Dry-fieldsinHaifengcost￥30to￥40permouwith5to6yüanrentforfirst-class,￥20with4yüanforsecond-class,and￥10with2to3yüanforthird-classland.InLufengpriceswereslightlylower.Wet-fieldswerethelandofrealvalue,anditwasthisthatmadethesouthandnorthofbothcountiessodifferentinincomeandlivingstandards.Thelowyieldofthedry-fieldspushedthecounties'overallaverageyieldpermoudownto3to4piculs,whichequaledtheaverageofthelow-gradewet-fields.Ctp品论天涯网

海丰旱田，一等地每亩售价30至40元，租金5至6元;二等地售价20元，租金4元;三等地售价10元，租金2至3元。陆丰价格略低。真正值钱的是水田，这也使两县南部与北部的收入和生活水平有很大差异。旱田产量低，拉低了两县的总平均亩产，使之只有3至4担，与低等水田的平均产量相同。Ctp品论天涯网

Thegreaterpartofthepeasantpopulationthusdependedonlargeland.ownersforaliving.Rememberingthatthesebigownetsenjovedthehon'sshareofthecollectivelandlordbusiness,wecanseewhyforP'engP'arthiswas"themostirrationalsocialsystem":"Aminoritygroupownsanabundanceoflandandhugeplaces,whilethepoordonothaveapieceoflandtosettledownon."This,togetherwiththeexceptionallyharshtenancyconditions,scarcelymadefortranquillityamongtheruralclassesinHaifeng.Ctp品论天涯网

因此，大部分农民依赖大土地所有者谋生。记住这些大户还占据集体地主经营中的绝大部分利益，我们就不难理解，为什么彭湃称之为“最不合理的社会制度”：“少数人拥有大量土地和大屋，而穷人连一块安身的土地也没有。”再加上格外苛刻的租佃条件，海丰农村各阶层自然难以安宁。Ctp品论天涯网

P'engP'aidescribedtheconditionsofthe"pettylandowners"as"prettygood";thoseofthepart-owners"camenext."Theywere"thetwoself-sufficienttypesamongthepeasants."Eventhoseofthemwithonlyafewmouofgoodlandcouldmakeendsmeet."Noonewasworseoffthanthetenants,themostnumerousgroup."-ThepercentageoftenantsinKwangtungyariedwithplace,butinHaifengtenancyranabout70percent-inlinewiththeaverageforKwangtungbutbelowP'eng'squoted80percent.Inearliervearsthetenantshadbeenmuchbetterplaced.Fortyyearsbefore,forinstance,two-fifthsofthepeasantsheldlandinpermanenttenure,"asystemhundredsofyearsold"and,aslongasrentwaspaid,unalterable.By1920thistwo-fifthsstillexisted,buttenaneycontractshadbecomeweakandthepeasants'securityintheirlandholdingshaddecreasedsharply,landlordsbeinginterestedinbetterreturnsthroughhigherrent.Theothertenantswerepart-ownersrentingonlysomeoftheirland.Ctp品论天涯网

彭湃说：“小土地所有者”的境况“相当好”，半自耕农“次之”;他们是“农民中两种能够自给自足的人”。即使其中有人只有几亩好田，也能维持收支平衡。“境况最差的是佃农，他们人数最多。”广东佃农所占比例因地而异，但海丰约为70%，与全省平均相符，低于彭湃所说的80%。早些年，佃农的处境曾好得多。譬如四十年前，五分之二的农民拥有永久佃耕权，这种制度“已有几百年历史”，只要付租，就不能更改。到1920年，这五分之二仍然存在，但租佃契约的约束力已经减弱，农民保有耕地的保障急剧下降，因为地主希望通过加租获得更多收益。其余佃耕者则是半自耕农，只租种一部分土地。Ctp品论天涯网

HalfadozenormoredifferenttypesofagreementgovernedtenancyinHai-Lu-feng.Commontoallwasarentgenerailytakeningranandbasedonaproportionoftheyieldfromoneormoreharvests.Anothergeneralfeature(wherethetermsofagreementwereexpressedinarenewablecontract)wasthenegativeeffectthissystemhadonlandproductivitv:asthecontractdrewneartoexpiry,thetenantwouldfindavarietyofreasonsforneglectinghislandoratleastforcuttingbackhisimprovementofit.TwotypesofagreementwerethedhrectfocusofthenextphaseofP'eng'sworkwiththePeasantUnion.Ctp品论天涯网

海陆丰的租佃关系受六七种乃至更多不同契约支配。它们的共同之处是，田租通常以谷物支付，按一次或数次收获量的一定比例计算。另一个普遍特点，是这种制度对土地生产率产生了负面影响，尤其在租佃条款写进可续订契约的情况下：契约将到期时，佃农总会找到种种理由疏于照料土地，至少会减少改良投入。彭湃与农会下一阶段的工作，直接针对其中两种契约。Ctp品论天涯网

Firstwasthetime-honoredcontractoffen-chih(contractonfertilizer).Tenantsunderthistreatedtheirfieldsas"manureinvestment"because'theirancestorshadgiventhelandlordsilverassecurityandgainedrightstothefields.Unlesstherentwasinarrears,thelandlordcouldneitherreclaimhsrightsnorinereasethefairlylowrent,astateofaffairssofavorablethatanumberoftenantfamilieshadbeenworkingthelandforseveralcenturies."Thesystemwasbeneficialtobothlandlordandtenant,andintheevesofthetenantsuchlandwasvirtuallyhisown.Aftersublettngbythetenant,attimes"thelandlorddoesnotknowanylongerwherehislandis....Thetenantcouldbecomelittlebylittletheeffectivelandlord."Eventaxationbecamedifficulttoallocate,especiallywithdeeds"improperlymaintained,worm-eaten,orlostintransmission.Ctp品论天涯网

第一种，是由来已久的“粪契”，即以肥料为名的契约。在这种契约下，佃农把田地视为“肥料投资”，因为“他们的祖先曾交给地主银子作为押金，从而取得对田地的权利。只要不欠租，地主既不能收回这种权利，也不能提高原本相当低的田租;条件如此有利，以致有些佃户已经在同一块地上耕作了几个世纪”。这种制度对地主和佃农都有好处，在佃农看来，土地实际上就是自己的了。佃农把地转租之后，有时“地主已不知道自己的田在哪里……佃农会渐渐成为实际上的地主”。连纳税责任也难以分派，尤其当田契“保管不善、被虫蛀坏，或在传递中遗失”时。Ctp品论天涯网

Thesecondtypethatconcernsusisthepao-t'ienagreement,whichprovidedforcertainnominaltenantstore-letlandtotherealtenantcultivators,squeezingthemaximumfromtheirsublessees.Estatesofthecollectivelandlordweretoolargeforordinarypeasantsorsmallcapitaliststoenterintotenaneycontracts,sorichlandlordsandmerchantswouldtaketenaneyandrentoutparcelsofthelandtoothers.Thisbecameameansforexploitingandnotassistingthecommunity.Theworstlandlordswerethosemanagingancestralandeducationalland.InHaifengtherewasacertainMr.Lin,nephewofthecountysecuritycommissioner,whosubletlandfortheEducationBureau.Hehimselfwasamerchant.Hesublet67mou,whichmeantarentofY6oo,partofwhichhehandedbacktotheBureau.Noordinarytenantcouldhavecommandedsuchasum.Ctp品论天涯网

与我们有关的第二种，是“包田”契约：名义上的佃户可以把土地转租给真正耕作的佃农，尽可能从转佃者身上榨取收益。集体地主的田产太大，普通农民或小资本家无法承租，便由富有的地主和商人包租，再分块转租给别人。这成了剥削共同体、而非扶助共同体的手段。最恶劣的地主，是管理祭祀田和学田的人。海丰有一位林先生，是县保卫局长的侄子，替教育局转租土地。他本人是商人，转租67亩田，租金达600元，其中一部分交还教育局。普通佃农绝不可能拿出这么一笔钱。Ctp品论天涯网

Whateverformofagreementapplied,rentdueunderitwasnormallycollectedduringthefifthandsixthmonthsoftheChinesecalendarinsummer,andthetenthandeleventhmonthsinwinter.InHaifenginthe192o's,"tocollectrentinthevillages,guardsorpolicewerealwayssentwellarmed."Thepeasants,however,feltitamoraldutytocomplywithrentpayments.Theiroutlookwas:"Fatedecidesit,andrentcollectorshavebeenrentcollectorsforages,asfarmershavebeenfarmers.""Paymentmightbemadeincashorkind,dependingonthecontract.Wherefruit,cotton,andvegetablesweregrownindry-fields,itwasusuallycash;whererice,itwasgrain.()nlytwocropsperyearweretaxed;ifathirdcropwasgrowninHaifeng,itwasrent-free.Ctp品论天涯网

无论适用哪一种契约，收租通常都在农历夏季的五月、六月，以及冬季的十月、十一月。20世纪20年代的海丰，“下乡收租，总要派全副武装的卫兵或警察”。然而，农民把交租视为道德义务。他们的想法是：“命里注定，收租人世世代代都是收租人，农民世世代代都是农民。”依契约不同，可以交钱，也可以交实物。旱田种水果、棉花和蔬菜，通常交钱;种稻谷则交粮。一年只向两季作物征租;海丰若种第三季，则免租。Ctp品论天涯网

Landlordspreferredtoreceiverentsinriceratherthanincash.Manybagsofgrain"gavethemmuchface";ricewasacommodityopentopriceincreasethroughmanipulationofthemarket;andloansofricecommandedhighinterest.Toguaranteethequalityofthericecollected,landlordsusedspecialequipmentsuchasthefeng-ch'e("windmachine"),thefeng-kuei("windbox"),ortheta-shan("greatfan").Thesewinnowedthegoodkerneltromthehightoremptyhusk.Additonally,thelandlordsoftenusedtheirownlargemeasures,makingsurethattherieewasthoroughlcompressedbypoundingitwiththesquared,shortstickemplovedtoleveloftthenceinthemeasure:theprocesswascalledsan-hsiak'ai("threeblowsofthestick")andtheLandlords'Societywasmidknamedbythepeasantsthe"SogaetyoftheThreeBig-StickBlows."Thiscompressiontechniquewasacauseofgenuineresentment,sincethericepackedtightrequiredextracattiestobeadded.Furthercattiescouldalsobedemandedbylocalvariationsinthemeasure."Butnotalltenantstookthislyingdown.Graincouldbemadeheavierorswollenoutbymoistening,orbyaddingsand.Emptyhusksfrommud-ladenfieldscouldberoasteddryandclean,andmadetoresemblefullhusks.Tenantscollectivelycouldhaveputupsomeformofresistance,buttheprinciplethatrentshouldbepadprovedstrongerthantheirfuryatthelandlord'sbehaviorwhencollectingit."Theynotonlywanttocleartherent,butalsotobringhimemptyhusksforrent."Inbadyearstheyreluctantlysoughtrentreduction,tellingthelandlord:"Wewouldbesorrynottobeabletopayyouarent."Thepeasantswereprecludedfromgoingtoofarintheirreactionnotonlybytheirmentality,butalsobecausetheywouldlosetheirtenancy,andpossiblybeimprisoned,beatenup,orhavetheirpossessionsseized.Ctp品论天涯网

地主喜欢收谷租，不喜欢收钱。成袋的谷子“让他们很有面子”;稻米可以通过操纵市场抬高价格，借出稻米又能收取高利息。为了保证收到的稻谷质量，地主使用风车、风柜或大扇等专门工具，把饱满谷粒与轻瘪谷壳分开。另外，地主常用自己的大斗量谷，还要拿刮平斗面用的短方棍敲打，把谷子压得紧紧的。这道程序叫“三下揩”，农民便把地主会戏称为“三大棒会”。这种压实的办法，迫使佃农额外添上若干斤谷子，确实引起了强烈怨恨。各地量器大小不同，也可能使佃农再多交一些。但并非所有佃农都默默忍受。他们可以把谷子弄湿，或掺入沙子，使它增重、胀大;还可以把泥田里的空壳烘干、弄净，让它看起来像实谷。佃农本来也可以集体抵抗，但交租应尽的原则，终究压过了他们对地主收租行径的愤怒。“他们不但想把租交清，甚至想拿空壳去交租。”遇到歉年，他们不情愿地请求减租，对地主说：“不能交租给您，我们也过意不去。”农民不敢反抗得太过分，不仅因为自己的观念如此，也因为可能丧失佃耕权，乃至被监禁、殴打或没收财物。Ctp品论天涯网

Astorentreductionitself,wheretheagreementwasofthetypethatrequiredthetenanttopayanagreedrentinnormalyearsitmightallowhimtoseeka1oor20percentreductioninbadyears;incaseoftotalcalamitythepeasantcouldaskthelandlordtodividetheharveststandinginthefields.Rentreductionswerelefttothelandlordtodecide,andsometimeshumannaturewouldprevailoverconsiderationsoffairness.Aperiodofgracemightbegranted,butifbvthenextharvestrentwasnotpaid,thelandlordcouldresumetheland.Ctp品论天涯网

至于减租本身，如果契约规定佃农在正常年景交纳固定田租，那么歉年可能允许他要求减免10%或20%;若遇彻底的灾荒，农民可以请求地主把田里尚未收割的庄稼分成。是否减租，由地主决定;有时人的性情会压过公平的考量。地主也可能给予宽限，但若到下一次收成时仍未付租，就可以收回田地。Ctp品论天涯网

Rentrateswereeverywhereincreasing.P'engP'aicomplainedin1924that"tenyearsagoeverypiculoflandplantedfabouttomou|requiredarentof5,6,oratmost7piculs.Noweverypiculoflandplantedhasgoneupto2opiculsofrent."Withanaveragevieldpermouof3piculs,thatcouldmeantwo-thirdsoftheharvest.Arentof50percentofariceharvest"wasnotunusual"inHaifeng.P'engsaysthat*rentrateswerefrom5oto75per-cent,"andinsomecasespeasantshadalsotopayrentsfortheirhouses.Wheretherewasnodepositontherentagreement,giftsandcontributionswerecustomary.Sometimesthedeposititselfwascalledthe"feastfee,"toentertainthelandlordaftertheharvest,andwaspaidalongwithcustomarygifts.Theseincludedcookedhenandduck,rice,andcash.Giftsoffowlwerealsocalledt'ien-t'ouchi("foreman'schicken")andweremeanttoserveascompensationforgrainlostduringtransportbythelandlord'sagent:achickensupposedlyfattenedonthisricewashandedoverforthefeast.Theoriginalgoodwillgesturecametobeashabbymeansofexploitationonthepartofthelandlord.Anothergiftwasthehuo-t'ouchi("cook'schicken"),mealsservedtothelandlord'smensenttocollectrice-rent.Intheendthisalsobecameacustomaryperquisite.WhentheSovietwasestablishedinHaifeng,nofewerthan26suchcustomarygiftsandleviesweredoneawaywith.Ctp品论天涯网

各地租率都在上涨。彭湃在1924年抱怨：“十年前，每担种的田〔约十亩〕，只要五担、六担，最多七担租。现在每担种的田，租已涨到二十担。”按平均亩产3担计算，这就可能达到收成的三分之二。在海丰，交出稻谷收成的50%作租，“并不罕见”。彭湃说，“租率从50%到75%不等”;有时农民还得交房租。租约若不收押金，按惯例便须送礼和缴纳其他款项。有时押金本身就叫“宴费”，用于收获后款待地主，并与惯常礼物一同送上。礼物包括煮熟的鸡鸭、米和钱。送的鸡也叫“田头鸡”，用来补偿地主代理人在运谷时损失的粮食：据说鸡是吃这些散落的米养肥的，因此应交给主人办宴。原本出于好意的举动，变成了地主卑劣的剥削手段。另一种礼物叫“火头鸡”，即给地主派来收谷租的人供应饭食;最后也变成了惯常的额外利益。海丰苏维埃成立后，废除了不少于26种这样的惯例礼物和征敛。Ctp品论天涯网

Taxationwasyetanotherwayoffleecingthepeasants.Itwastakenforgrantedthat"taxpaymentwasacommondutyofpeasantandlandlord."InHai-Lu-fengtaxeswereleviedonthebasisoflandcultivatedandthenumberofpeopleinthehousehold.Therewereothertaxes,themostimportantofwhichwasthesalttax.Thelanddeedor"reddeed"(hung-ch'i)guaranteedpossessionaslongasthetaxwaspaid.Theland'sfertility,location,andusedeterminedtheamountpayable,rangingfrom2ocentsforhillyorpoorlandtoY1.5oforgood.Exactionsforalienationsonthesaleoflandwereheavy,so"whitedeeds"(pai-ch'i)werecommonlyacceptedasevidenceofownership.Thisandthepoorstateoftaxregistersledtomuchevasion.Only6opercentofhouseholdsatmostwereperformingtheirduties,sinceformorethanacenturypurchasersoflandhadnothadlegalownershiptransferred."Taxationoflandatthecountylevelwasstillan"impenetrablemystery"inthe1930's."Ctp品论天涯网

税收是榨取农民的又一种手段。人们认为，“纳税是农民和地主共同的义务”。海陆丰按耕地和家庭人口征税，另有其他税种，其中最重要的是盐税。田契，即“红契”，在缴税的前提下保障土地占有。应纳税额取决于土地肥瘠、位置和用途，从山地或薄地的二角，到好地的1.50元不等。土地买卖时的转让税很重，所以“白契”普遍被接受为所有权凭证。这种情形，加上税册混乱，造成了大量逃税。最多只有60%的家庭履行纳税义务，因为一百多年来，买地者一直没有依法办理所有权转移。到20世纪30年代，县一级的田赋征收仍是一团“无法看透的谜”。Ctp品论天涯网

Taxcollectionwasfarmedout,andmanylandlordswerepayingonly10percentoftheirassessments.Taxcollectorshadtogounderarmedguard,andevensowererebuffed.Atthegatesofvillagestheywereconfrontedbypeasantswayingtlagsandtauntingthem.Ittheywereboldenoughtoenter,thepeasants"seizedandbeatthemandgatheredingreatnumberstoresist."Butlater,especiallyinRepublicantimes,collectiontimemeantopenseasonforoppressingthepeasants,andyamenrunners,clerks,andconstableshadafieldday.Taxcollectionwasknownas"seizingthepig":itwasthepeasant,beatenupandmadetopaymanytimesmorethanwasdue,whosquealed.Ctp品论天涯网

税收实行包征，许多地主只缴应纳税额的10%。税吏必须由武装人员护送，即便如此也会遭到抵拒。他们在村口遇见挥旗的农民，受到嘲弄;若胆敢进村，农民就“把他们抓住殴打，聚集许多人抵抗”。但后来，尤其进入民国之后，征税时节却成了公然欺压农民的时节，衙役、书吏和警察尽情作威作福。收税被称为“捉猪”：农民挨打，又被迫缴出比应纳额多许多倍的钱，就像猪一样惨叫。Ctp品论天涯网

InP'uningcountyinthe192o's,forinstance,theFanglineagecollectedtaxesfortheentireplace,using"thecoverofgovernmenttoincreasetaxation."P'engP'aideclaredthat"richpeoplearehappytogreasepalms,corruptofficalsarehappytogetmonev,andthebulkofthepubhedebthasbeenshiftedontotheshouldersofordinarypoorpeople.Evilgentryandlocalbulliesgangupwithcorruptofficials."SunYat-senhimselfadmittedin1924:"Thegovernmentcannothelpaskingfortaxesmainlfromthepeasants,notfromrichlandlords."ThiswasanindictmentofthefailureoftheRepubhe.Ch'en(hiung-ming'staxallocaton,intheEastRiverarcaparticularly,exemptedthewealthy,bothmerchantsandlandlords,whereasinpoorfamilies"evenathree-year-oldchildhastopay."P'engcouldstate:"Between50and75percentofcountyrevenuecomesfromthepeasants."Ctp品论天涯网

例如，20世纪20年代的普宁县，方氏支族承包全县税收，“借政府的名义增加税额”。彭湃说：“富人乐意行贿，贪官乐意收钱，公债的大部分都转嫁到普通穷人肩上。恶绅土豪和贪官勾结在一起。”孙中山本人在1924年也承认：“政府不能不主要向农民征税，而不是向富有的地主征税。”这正是对共和国失败的控诉。陈炯明的税收分配，尤其在东江地区，豁免商人和地主中的富人，却让穷人家“连三岁小孩也要纳税”。彭湃因此说：“县收入的50%至75%来自农民。”Ctp品论天涯网

IntheHaifengofthe192o's,landtaxescollectedamountedto30,000liang(Y120,ooo)andwereassessedbythemagistrateagansttheannualhar-vest.Therewerenational,provincial,andlocaltaxesinKwangtung,whichaccordingtotheStatisticalMonographwasoneoftherichestprovincesinthecountry.Highmilitaryspendingandtheresultnglevesweretypical:in1926mlitaryexpendituresamountedtowelloverY72.9millionsoutofatotalprovincialrevenueof￥1oomillion;bycontrast,onlysomeY1.2millionwentoneducation.P'engP'aistatedthatarmytaxeswerewhatthepeoplefearedmost.InHaifeng,"thevarietyofmilitarylevieswithwhichvillageswereburdenedbecametoonumeroustoitemize."Ctp品论天涯网

20世纪20年代的海丰，田赋收入达30,000两，即120,000元，由县长按当年收成核征。广东有中央、省和地方各级税收。据《统计专刊》，广东是全国最富的省份之一。庞大的军费及其导致的征敛，是当地的典型现象：1926年全省收入共一亿元，其中军费支出远超过7,290万元;相比之下，教育经费只有约120万元。彭湃说，百姓最怕的就是军税。海丰“各村负担的军捐种类多到无法一一列举”。Ctp品论天涯网

Peasantsborethebruntofthesearmyexpenses.In1923,withtheKwang-tungArmybackfromCanton,GeneralLiLieh-chunincreasedalltaxesby30percent,appointedasnewmagistratesmenwhohadbribedhi,manipulatedgovernmentloanbonds,"borrowed"Y50,000fromtheChamberofCommerce,obtainedYroo,oooonthesecurityofthehouse-renttax,andcollectedinadvanceallthe1923landtax.InHaifengwesawhowin1915armytaxeshadalreadybeencollectedupto1920byGeneralLinKan-ts'ai;in1925theyhadbeenpaidupto1930intotheCommander'sOffice.Ctp品论天涯网

这些军费开支主要落在农民身上。1923年，粤军从广州撤回后，李烈钧将军把所有税额提高30%，任命向他行贿的人为新县长，操纵政府公债，向商会“借”50,000元，以房租税作担保取得100,000元，并预征了1923年全部田赋。前面已经看到，在海丰，林赣材将军于1915年就把军税预征到1920年;到1925年，督军府又已收到预缴至1930年的税款。Ctp品论天涯网

Thepeasantswerealsoexpectedtopayaneducationtax,thebenefitofwhichwenttobourgeoischildren,accordingtoPeng.ButinHan-Lufengthetaxthatreallyswelledthecofferswasthesalttax.Onehundredcattesofsaltcouldbeproducedfor36centsinKwangtung,buttheyretailedforthirtytimesthatsum.In1928thesalttaxwas￥2.50per100catties,butwithadditionaltaxestotaled￥9.02.TheaveragepersonusedabouttwentycattiesofsaltperyearandwouldthereforebepavingY1.5ointax.Smugghingofsaltnaturallyflourished.Whenin1926asalttaxofficialtriedtotakeactioninCh'ingk'eng,thepeasantsgavehimathrashngandlockedhimup.P'engP'aiaffirmedthat"theexorbitanttaxesbornebythepeasantswereextraordinarilyheavy.Thehardshipsofvillagehfeinereasedsothatincomedidnotcoverexpenses.Tocopewiththehardtimes,peoplehadtoselltheirlanduntilitwasallgoneandtheyhadbecometenants—graduallytransformedintoaproletariat.Ctp品论天涯网

农民还要缴教育税;按彭湃的说法，受益者却是资产阶级的子女。不过，海陆丰真正充实库款的是盐税。广东每百斤盐的生产成本为三角六分，零售价却高达其三十倍。1928年，每百斤盐的盐税为2.50元，连同附加税共达9.02元。每人一年平均用盐约二十斤，因此要付约1.50元税。食盐走私自然盛行。1926年，一名盐税官到青坑查缉，农民把他痛打一顿，还关了起来。彭湃断言：“农民负担的苛捐杂税，重得惊人。乡村生活愈加艰难，收入抵不上支出。为了应付困难，人们不得不卖田，直到卖光，变成佃农——逐渐转化为无产阶级。”Ctp品论天涯网

Onewayoutwastoseekloansthatcouldbeobtainedfromthecollectiveorprivatelandlordandfrompawnbrokers.MuchofthemoneyofthenewrichinHaifengcirculatedas"usurycapital,"theinterestratesbemnghigh(from20totopercent).'Theseunsecuredloanshadtoberepaudwithntwotofourmonths,fauhngwhichcompoundinterestwasapphed.Loanswentundervariousnames.Onekindwas"NineoutandThirteenback"wherebythepeasantgot90centsforeveryyüanbutrepaidthefullyüanplus3opercentinterest.Anotherwascalled"InterestoftheSugar-room"andwastakenoutbythosewishingtoperformurgentsuperstitiouspractices,tohavetheirfortunetold,ortobuyfertilizer.Theinterestratewas65percentcompoundedaftersixmonths,tothepointwheretheinterestwouldfinallyexceedtheamountloaned.Therewasalso"SellingtheGreenSeedling":apiculofricewouldbeloanedinMarch,andinJunewastobereturnedplus8pecks,thatis,at80percentinterest.Ctp品论天涯网

一条出路是借债，可向集体地主、私人地主和当铺借钱。海丰新富阶层的大量金钱，作为“高利贷资本”流通，利率很高，达20%至40%。这些无抵押借款须在两至四个月内偿还，逾期便计算复利。借款有各种名目。其中一种叫“九出十三归”：借一元实际只拿到九角，却要归还足额一元，再加30%的利息。另一种叫“糖房利”，借款人或急于举行迷信仪式、算命，或要购买肥料。利率为65%，六个月后按复利计算，以至利息最后超过原来的借款额。还有“卖青苗”：三月借一担米，到六月须多还八斗，也就是80%的利息。Ctp品论天涯网

Securitycouldincludefields,houses,gardens,andlivestock.Landwasmortgagedtoraiseloansbylodgingthedeedwiththepersonadvancingthecash.Defaultmeantthataftertwoyearsthecreditorcouldpostanoticeprohibitingthepeasantfromworkingthelandsomortgaged.Normallythepeasanthadthentoselltothecreditor—aheavypricetopayforaloan.InChina"mortgageoflandmeanttotalloss,"andinKwangtung"atleast70to80percentoflandlesspeasantshavelostsomeoftheirlandthroughmortgage."Ctp品论天涯网

抵押品可以是田地、房屋、园地和牲畜。借款时，把田契交给出钱的人，就能抵押土地取得贷款。若不偿还，两年后债权人可张贴告示，禁止农民耕作抵押的土地。通常，农民只好把田卖给债权人——为了一笔借款付出了沉重的代价。在中国，“抵押土地意味着彻底丧失土地”;广东“至少70%至80%的无地农民，曾因抵押而丧失部分土地”。Ctp品论天涯网

Poortenantswithlittlesecuritycouldonlyresorttothepawnshop,pledgingtheirtoolsorclothes.Moneylendershavebeenarecurrentfeatureinallagrariansocieties,andHaifengwasnoexception:therewerethirtypawnshopsthere.Theyusuallycharged30percentinterestpermonth,thoughthisfellto20percentinwinter.Pawnedequipmentwouldberedeemedatharvesttime.Ctp品论天涯网

贫穷的佃农几乎没有抵押品，只能到当铺典当农具或衣服。放债人在所有农业社会中都反复出现，海丰也不例外：当地有三十家当铺。通常月息30%，冬季则降到20%。典当的农具，要等收获时才能赎回。Ctp品论天涯网

Peasantsweregenerallyindebt—asacommonsayingputit,"Nottobeindebtwouldbesufficientblessing."IntheEastRiverthismeantsevenoutoftenpeasanthouseholds.InHaifeng,debtcasesbroughtbeforethePeasantUnionmadeup2opercentofitsbriefs.Borrowingwasapparentlyawayoflifeforrichandpooralike."P'engreportedthatpeasants"wouldratherdefaultontheirlandlord'srentthandarenottopaybacktheirdebttothegrain-lender,forfearthattheymightbeunabletoborrowagainthefollowingyear."Intheendcreditorswouldrefuseloanstopeasantsalreadydispossessed.PengP'aurgivesamovingdeseriptionofhowtheaverageHaifengpeasant,havingtriedhisutmostonthe"activeside,"resortedtothe"passiveside"totrytopaythebalanceofhisdebt.Hehadtomortgageland,huts,andtools,butwhenthesefailedhadtopawnthedothesoffthebadksofhisparents,wife,andchildren,andreducetheiralreadypoordiettogruel.Ctp品论天涯网

农民普遍负债，俗话说，“不欠债就算有福了”。东江地区十户农家中有七户负债。海丰农会受理的案件中，债务案件占20%。借钱似乎是穷人和富人共有的生活方式。彭湃报告说，农民“宁愿欠地主的租，也不敢不还谷债，怕来年借不到谷”。最终，债权人连借款给已经失去财产的农民也不肯了。彭湃动情地描述了一个普通海丰农民的处境：他在“积极方面”竭尽所能之后，又不得不转向“消极方面”，设法清偿剩余债务。他先抵押田地、茅屋和农具;这些办法仍不够，就得典当父母、妻子和孩子身上穿的衣服，把原本已经很差的伙食再减成稀粥。Ctp品论天涯网

Familytensionmountedasdespairincreased.Ifafterallthat"hestillcouldnotfillthebottomlesswellofdebt,"then"hetookthenextstep:marriedoffhiswomantoanothermanandsoldhischildren."Leftalonetofendforhimself,"hecouldonlyleavehisvillageandgotothemarkettownasalaborer,orbecomeasoldier,abandit,oracoolie.Otherthanthat,theroadledonlytodeath."Ctp品论天涯网

绝望日益加深，家庭关系也越来越紧张。这样做以后，“若仍填不满债务的无底井”，他便“再走一步：把妻子嫁给别人，把孩子卖掉”。只剩自己一个人谋生时，“他只好离开村庄，到市镇做工，或当兵、做土匪、做苦力。除此之外，便只有死路”。Ctp品论天涯网

Acontractfortenancywashardlyworththepaperitwaswrittenon;butwhenalandlordbrokeanagreement,recoursetothelawwaspointless,for'nolandlordeverlostacase."LateraHaifengmagistrateadmittedthat"thetreatmentoftenantswasnotgood"andthatthiscontributedtotheoutlookoftherevolt."Inelaborationofthemagistrate'scommentcomethe1923findingsoftheHaifengCountyPeasantU'nion:"Thefieldsapeasantfarmsrequirecapitalinvestmenteveryyear—seed,fertilizer,farmtools,wages,thehireofoxen.Theyneedalotofhard-earnedcapitalbeforeagrainofricewillgrow.Withoutliftingafingertohelp,thelandlordtakesawayagoodhalfoftheharvest.Whoknowshowinuchcapitalpeasantslikeushavelostandforhowmanygenerations?"Ctp品论天涯网

租佃契约几乎连写契约的纸都不值;地主违约，诉诸法律也无用，因为“从来没有地主打输了官司”。后来一位海丰县长承认，“对佃农的待遇不好”，这助长了反叛情绪。1923年海丰县农会的调查，进一步说明了他的看法：“农民所种的田，每年都要投入资本——种子、肥料、农具、工钱、牛租。没花下许多辛苦挣来的本钱，连一粒米都长不出来。地主一点忙也不帮，就拿走收成的一大半。谁知道我们这样的农民已经损失了多少资本，损失了多少代?”Ctp品论天涯网

AccordingtoP'engP'ai,apoortenantfamily'sfinancescouldbesetoutintheformofaprofit-and-lossstatementasshownintheacconpanyingtabulation.Ctp品论天涯网

按彭湃的说法，一个贫穷佃农家庭的账目，可以列成下表所示的收支表。Ctp品论天涯网

Ctp品论天涯网

Ctp品论天涯网

Ctp品论天涯网

Ctp品论天涯网

彭湃所列佃农收支表原图(用户提供的原书扫描表)。Ctp品论天涯网

ThefiguresassetoutbyP'engP'arvarywiththedifferingversionsofhis"Report"andbetrayanefforttoprovehispoint.Furthermore,theyignorethepossibilityofathirdharvestofriceorsomeothercrop,andalsoleaveoutothercommonextrasourcesofincomewewilllookatlater.P'eng'sstatementisthusnotreallycomprehensive.TwovariantsofitaregiveninTables3.1and3.2,basedonmarketpricesofthe1920's.Ctp品论天涯网

彭湃列出的数字，在《报告》的不同版本中有所差异，也显露出他想证明自身论点的用意。此外，这些数字没有考虑第三季稻谷或其他作物的可能收成，也没有计入后面将谈到的其他常见额外收入。因此，彭湃的收支表实际上并不全面。表3.1和表3.2按20世纪20年代的市价，另列两种收支估算。Ctp品论天涯网

TABLE3.1IncomeandExpendituresofanAverageTenantFamilyof5Peoplewith10mouCtp品论天涯网

表3.1耕种十亩地的五口普通佃农家庭的收入与支出Ctp品论天涯网

Ctp品论天涯网

Ctp品论天涯网

Ctp品论天涯网

Ctp品论天涯网

表3.1原图：耕种十亩地的五口佃农家庭(用户提供的原书扫描表)。Ctp品论天涯网

sotRcts:HFNY:3-5:LFNY:9-11;PEM1935:17:"Kwangtungagriculturalstatistics"(1928):332.Note:Yieldpermouiscaleulatedattheminimum,andthewinterricecropathalfamainone,thoughitwasoftenmore.Leftoutofthecalculationsisincomefromfarmproduce;afarmofthissizemightmake￥30fromvegetablesandmeatalone.Ctp品论天涯网

资料来源：HFNY：3—5;LFNY：9—11;PEM1935：17;《广东农业统计》(1928)：332。说明：亩产按最低产量计算，冬稻按一季主要收成的一半计算，实际往往更多。计算未包括其他农产品的收入;这样规模的农场，单是蔬菜和肉类就可能获得30元收入。Ctp品论天涯网

TABLE3.2IncomeandExpendituresofaSubsistenceLevelTenantFamilyof5Peoplewith5mouCtp品论天涯网

表3.2耕种五亩地、仅能维持生计的五口佃农家庭的收入与支出Ctp品论天涯网

Ctp品论天涯网

Ctp品论天涯网

Ctp品论天涯网

Ctp品论天涯网

表3.2原图：耕种五亩地的五口佃农家庭(用户提供的原书扫描表)。Ctp品论天涯网

soU'RCEs:SameasforTable3.1Ctp品论天涯网

资料来源：同表3.1。Ctp品论天涯网

NoTE:YieldpermouiscalculatedasinTable3.1.Farmproduce,leftoutofthesecalculationsmightmakeupmuchifnotallofthedeficit;moreover,sincetherewouldnormallybemuchextraworkcapacityinafamilyof5farmingonly5mou,part-timeworkoffthefarmmightbringinasmuchas￥1ointhehighseason.Ctp品论天涯网

说明：亩产按表3.1的方法计算。未计入的其他农产品收入，可能弥补大部分乃至全部亏空;此外，五口之家仅耕五亩，通常会有大量剩余劳动力，在农忙季节到农场之外做零工，可能赚到多达10元。Ctp品论天涯网

ThepicturethatemergesfromTable3.2isdifferentfromthatshowninP'eng'sfigures,butonecannotdisregardtheexpertsonruralChinainthe192o'sandtheirpessimismaboutanaveragepeasantfamily'sabilitytomakeendsmeet.Beyondthatitbecomeshardtodrawfirmconclusions.Certainlv,anyfamilyworkingtenmouinHai-Lu-fengwasinarelativelygoodpo.sition,especiallyifitactuallyownedtwoorthreemouofplot.Butownership,thoughakeyfactor,wasnotthesolefactor.AsarecentChinesewriterhassaid:"Theownerofasmallplotoflandmighthavelessincomethanthetenant-farmerworkingalargerentedfarm....Tenancywasnotnecessarilyasignofpoverty."Ctp品论天涯网

表3.2呈现的景象，与彭湃的数字不同，但我们不能忽视20世纪20年代研究中国乡村的专家，以及他们对普通农家能否维持收支平衡所抱的悲观看法。除此以外，很难得出确切结论。可以肯定，在海陆丰耕种十亩地的家庭，处境相对不错，尤其当其中两三亩确实归自己所有时。不过，土地所有权虽是关键因素，却不是唯一因素。正如一位近年的中国作者所说：“拥有一小块地的人，收入可能还不如租种大农场的佃农……租佃未必就是贫穷的标志。”Ctp品论天涯网

Inflationbedeviledthefarmerandmadeitharderforhimtogainhislivelihood.P'engP'aiexplainsitthus:"Fetteredbytheimperialists'customspoliey,pricesofgoodsrosedaily,whereaspricesforfarmproducecouldatbestbemaintainedattheiroriginallevel.Thusinfarmingvillagesthecostoflivingrocketedandincomesank."Farmproducedidriseinprice,too,butitwasthelandlordratherthanthepeasantwhobenefited,forthelatterhadlittletosell;moreover,whenthepeasantdidsell,thepawnbrokerandthemoneylendercouldensurethatthepricehegotwasbelowmarket.Be.sidesthis,ruralmarketswereinthehandsofmerchantswhomanipulatedthem.In1923ricewas￥6perpiculandin1928upto￥1o,buttheincreaseneverreachedthepeasant.Peasantsmightspenddaysonthejourneytothecapitalcity,andthennotclearenoughfromthesaleoftheirproducetobuyessentialssuchasfertilizer.Ctp品论天涯网

通货膨胀折磨着农民，使谋生更加艰难。彭湃解释说：“受帝国主义关税政策束缚，物价天天上涨，农产品的价格至多只能维持原有水平。因此农村生活费用猛涨，收入下降。”农产品价格实际上也上涨了，但受益的是地主，而非农民，因为农民几乎没有东西可卖;即使出售，当铺和放债人也能迫使他接受低于市价的价格。此外，乡村市场掌握在商人手中，由他们操纵。1923年米价为每担6元，到1928年已涨到10元，但上涨的收益从未到达农民手里。农民可能花上好几天赶到县城，卖掉农产品后的净收入，却还不足以买肥料等必需品。Ctp品论天涯网

Theonlywaytobalancethebudget,whetheritbeP'engP'ai'soronewehavesuggested,wastotakeonadditionalwork.InHaifeng,"besidesworkingthefields,thetenanteitherplantedahillsideorgrewfruit;raisedoxen,pigs,andchickens;cutkindlingfromthehills;orworkedasaboatmanorasasedan-chairporter."Cottageindustrywasastandby.Aresidentnotedthat"infarmers'homes,baskets,buckets,hoe-handles,carrvingpoles,strawsandals,andcoarseclotharemade."AscholarfamilyinShuik'oumadecharcoalforextraincome.Fish-farmingwaswidespread:"Ineverysmallvillagethereweretwoartificialponds,oneatthefrontandonebehind.Onepondwasfordomesticpurposesandirrigation,oneforrearingfish."Grasscuttingforsalewasgenerallyhandledbythewomenfolk.Tree-felhingwasanothersideline,especiallyinmountainareas."Ctp品论天涯网

要让收支平衡，无论用彭湃的账目，还是用我们提出的账目，唯一的办法都是兼做其他工作。在海丰，“佃农除耕田以外，或耕种山坡、种水果，或养牛、猪、鸡，或上山砍柴，或做船夫、轿夫”。家庭手工业也是一种补充。一位居民说，“农家制作篮子、水桶、锄柄、扁担、草鞋和粗布”。水口有一家读书人，以烧炭增加收入。养鱼十分普遍：“每个小村都有两个人工池塘，一个在前，一个在后。一个供生活用水和灌溉，一个养鱼。”割草出售一般由妇女承担。伐木也是副业，山区尤为如此。Ctp品论天涯网

Butwhydidpeasantsworktheirplotsevenataloss?TograsptheunderlyingmotiveofthislifeweperhapsmustputasidethevaluesofaWestern-styleeconomywherelandandlaborareavariableofcapital.Inapeasanteconomy,laboristheconstantthatdeterminesthechangeinvolumeofbothcapitalandland.Torentlandformorethanitspotentialincomemayappeartoussenseless,butitwasnotforaHaifengpeasantfamilythatotherwisewouldbeleftwithuremployablemembers,andthatbyexploitingitselfcouldstillattainacleanbalancesheet."P'engP'aimightdeclaim:"Don'tyouhavetowearclothesaswellaseat?Whensomethingiswrongwiththehouse,don'tyouhavetofixit?Isn'tthelamplitatnight?Ion'tyouhavetoraiseasontotakeyourplacewhenyouareoldandweak?AsIseeit,youcan'tneglectthesethingsandsoyouputyourselfdeeperanddeeperindebt."ButP'engwouldhavehadtoadmitthatthepeasantshad"active"and"passive"waysforattendingtosuchimportantmatters,waysthesimplebalancesheetneednottouchupon.Tenantsluckyenoughtobefarming1omougotbywellenoughinnormaltimes,andthe60percentofpeasantswhowerefreeholdersorpartownerscouldbebetteroffstillandindeedwereso,accordingtoP'engP'ai.Admittedlyapercentageoftenantsworking5moulivedonthepovertyline.Evenhere,though,therootsofdistresswerenotpurelyeconomicbutincludedsocialandpoliticalgrounds.Festiveoccasions,weddings,andfuneralswerecostlyinHai-Lu-feng,andthoughitisnotsoundtoarguethatpeasantswerevictimsoftheirsocietymoreforwhattheyvaluedthanforwhattheygot,botheconomicandsocialfactorswereresponsibleforthehardshipsintheirlife.Feudsandcourtcasesalsotookaheavytoll,alongwithcustomarygiftsandrandomlevies—nottospeakofrentsandtaxes.Inflationgavelittlechanceofsaving,andatyphooncouldwipeoutanentirecrop.Ctp品论天涯网

但农民为什么即使亏损仍要耕种呢?要理解这种生活背后的动机，我们或许得暂且放下西方式经济的价值标准;在那种经济里，土地与劳动是随资本而变的变量。在农民经济里，劳动是常量，决定资本与土地数量的变化。以超过潜在收益的租金租地，在我们看来可能毫无道理，但对海丰农家却并非如此：否则家庭成员便无工可做，而通过自我剥削，他们仍可能实现收支平衡。彭湃或许会激昂地说：“除了吃饭，你们难道不要穿衣服?房子坏了，难道不要修?晚上难道不点灯?难道不要养个儿子，等自己老弱时接替自己?我看这些事都不能不顾，于是你们就越欠越多。”然而，彭湃也不得不承认，农民有“积极”和“消极”的办法应付这些要事，而简单的收支表未必涉及这些办法。能幸运地耕种十亩地的佃农，在正常年景过得去;占农民60%的自耕农和半自耕农，可能过得更好，按彭湃的说法，事实也确实如此。诚然，耕种五亩地的佃农中，有一部分生活在贫困线上。但即使在这里，困苦的根源也不纯粹是经济性的，还包含社会和政治因素。海陆丰的节庆、婚礼和丧葬都耗费甚巨。虽然不能据此断言，农民之所以成为社会的受害者，更多是因为他们看重什么，而不是因为他们得到什么，但经济因素与社会因素，确实都造成了生活的艰难。械斗和诉讼也消耗巨大，还有惯例馈赠和任意摊派，更不必说田租和税赋。通货膨胀几乎不给人储蓄的机会，一场台风又可能毁掉整季庄稼。Ctp品论天涯网

Poorbeyondallarguingwerethosewhowereunableeithertoownortorentland.InHaifeng,agriculturallaborersandhiredpeasantswereveryfew,"noteven5oointhewholecounty."Theycouldcountonlyontheirwagesandcouldbecontractedonyearly,monthly,ordailyterms.TheyearcontraetfetchedY40inHanfengandY3oorupwardinLufeng,plusboardandlodgimng.Duringthepeakseasonmalecasualworkersgot50eentsandfemales30centsaday;intheoff-seasontheygot30centsand20cents,respectively.AsP'engP'airemarked,"underthedisparateandcomplicatedconditionsofpeasantlabor,itisdifficulttocalculatewagesinmathematicalterms."Still,ifweallowY54forfoodgivenandY40forwages,ayearlycontractworkerwouldbeearning￥94;adayworkerearningonaverage40centswouldmakesomefiftydollarsmoreifworkingforthewholeyear."Ctp品论天涯网

无论如何都无法否认其贫穷的，是那些既没有土地，也租不到土地的人。海丰的农业工人和受雇农民很少，“全县还不到五百人”。他们只能靠工资生活，雇约可以按年、按月或按日订立。年工在海丰可得40元，在陆丰可得30元或更多，另包食宿。农忙时，男性零工日薪五角，女性三角;农闲时，分别为三角和二角。正如彭湃所说，“农民劳动的条件各异而复杂，工资很难用数学方法计算”。不过，若把供给的食物算作54元，工资算作40元，一个年工的收入便为94元;日工若平均日薪四角，而且全年都有工做，会比他多得约五十元。Ctp品论天涯网

Manyofthelandlesslaborersremainedunmarried,byforceoffinancialcircumstances."Theywereobjectsofridiculeandpityintheeyesofthevillagers,whoselifecenteredonthefamily."Inthepast,theselucklessmen,"baresticks"astheywerecalled,wouldhavefounda"family"inthesecretsocietiesandbanditgangs,butintheHaifengofthe1920'ssuchorganizationshaddisappeared.AswitheveryoneelseinKwangtung,thesepeasantsandlaborerswereatthemercyofsuperiorforces:houserent,taxes,prices,andinterestrates,tonamebutafew.Landlordsandclanofficialslivedofftherent,bureaucratsandmilitarymenoffthetaxes,tradersandcompradoresoffpricemanipulation,andusurersofftheirexorbitantinterest."Ctp品论天涯网

许多无地雇工因经济条件所迫，仍未婚。“在以家庭为生活中心的村民眼中，他们是嘲笑和怜悯的对象。”过去，这些被叫作“光棍”的不幸者，会在秘密会社和土匪团伙里找到一个“家庭”;但20世纪20年代的海丰，这样的组织已经消失了。与广东其他人一样，这些农民和雇工也受强大力量摆布：房租、税赋、物价、利率，等等。地主和宗族管理者靠租金生活，官僚和军人靠税收，商人和买办靠操纵价格，高利贷者则靠高额利息。Ctp品论天涯网

AballadbyP'engP'aisingsoftheeconomicsituationofthepeasantsofHaifeng:Themountainsongisfullofsoundandfurv.Ctp品论天涯网

彭湃有一首歌谣，唱出了海丰农民的经济处境。这首山歌充满了愤怒的呐喊。Ctp品论天涯网

Howwretchedisthepeasant'slot!Ctp品论天涯网

农民的命多么苦!Ctp品论天涯网

Abowlofpotato-brothforbreakfast,Ctp品论天涯网

早饭一碗薯水，Ctp品论天涯网

Abowlofpotato-soupfordinner.Ctp品论天涯网

晚饭一碗薯汤。Ctp品论天涯网

Halfstarved,illfed,undernourished,Ctp品论天涯网

半饥半饱，吃不好，养不足，Ctp品论天涯网

Livinginahovelwithnobeamsintheroof,Ctp品论天涯网

住在屋顶没有梁的陋屋里，Ctp品论天涯网

Orinacoupleofthatchedhuts,Ctp品论天涯网

或住两间茅草房，Ctp品论天涯网

Thestrawsoleanthatmoonlightpoursin.Ctp品论天涯网

茅草稀薄，月光直照进来。Ctp品论天涯网

Aftersomuchactivityandsuccess,therewasnoreasontodelaytheofficialestabhshmentofthePeasantUnion.Accordingly,theiauguralmeetingoftheChihshanAreaPeasantUniontookplace(bytheWesterncalendardate)onOctober25,1922.Themembership,fromaninitialseveninJuly,increasedto3obytheendofAugustandstoodatover5obylateOctober."Theentiremembershipattended,"andtheschoolprincipalsLiYüeh-t'ingandYangSzu-chenwerepresenttoaddressthegathering.Thenucleusoftheleftistintelligentsiawastheretoo:theyhadresumedfringeactivitieswiththepeasantmovement."Themostopenofthem,suchasP'engHan-yüanandChengChih-vün,joinedthePeasantU'nion;otherstudentssuchasLiLao-kung,LinTao-wen,andCh'enShun-ilookedafterpropaganda."TotheseanothersourceaddsCh'enK'uei-ya,LinSu,and"manyothersonsofwell-to-dofamilies."Thisblendofpeasantsandscholarswasinlinewithtradition:politicalpowerinChinawasrecognizedasrestingontheconsentofthepeasantryandthesupportofthescholarclass."Ctp品论天涯网

经过这么多活动，取得这么多成功，已经没有理由再推迟农会的正式成立。因此，赤山约农会成立大会于1922年10月25日(按公历)举行。会员从七月最初的七人，到八月底增为三十人，十月底超过五十人。“全体会员出席”，校长李月汀和杨嗣震也到场讲话。左翼知识分子的核心成员也来了;他们已经重新在农民运动外围开展活动。“其中最开明的，如彭汉垣、郑芷云，加入农会;李劳工、林道文、陈顺仪等其他学生，则负责宣传。”另一种资料还提到陈魁亚、林苏及“许多其他富裕家庭的子弟”。农民与读书人的这种结合符合传统：中国的政治权力，被认为有赖于农民的认可和士人阶层的支持。Ctp品论天涯网

ToP'engP'aiisduemuchofthecreditforarousingstudentinterestinpeasantaffairs.ThisoccurredpartlythroughhismnvolvementwiththeSocialstYouthCorps,whichdidmuchotthepioneermngworkofmobilizungthepeasants."ButthisroleoftheSYCinthecountrysidewasrathertheexception,becauseanarticleof1923reviewingthecurrent"back-to-theland"movementdeclaredthat"theintellectualsandstudentsdonotliketogototheruralareas.Theywouldratherstarvethanreturntothevillages."Ctp品论天涯网

唤起学生对农民事务的兴趣，很大一部分功劳应归于彭湃。这在一定程度上缘于他参加了社会主义青年团;该团在动员农民方面，做了许多开创性的工作。但青年团在乡村发挥这种作用，实属例外，因为1923年一篇评述当时“到乡下去”运动的文章说：“知识分子和学生不喜欢去农村。他们宁愿饿死，也不愿回到乡村。”Ctp品论天涯网

InHaifengthingsatfirstwerenodifferent,becauseafteraninitialefforttoconductaruralsurvey(perhapsin1921),thestudentsimmediatelygaveup,callingit"agreatsacrificewithlittlereward."ItwasP'engwhogavethemfreshcourageandmotivation.Ctp品论天涯网

海丰起初也没有不同。学生最初曾试图开展乡村调查，也许是在1921年，但立即放弃，称之为“牺牲很大，收获很小”。是彭湃重新给了他们勇气和动力。Ctp品论天涯网

ItisherethattherealaimsandideologyoftheSYCmemberswhowerebehindthisruralinvolvementbecomeapparent:intheviewofanobserver,thepeasantmovementwas"self-runningandautonomous";farfrombeingaCommunistendeavor,ithadtheconnotationsofasocialwelfaremovement.AtthisearlydatetheYouthCorpswashardlyCommunistanyway,andtheCCPwasscarcelyinterestedinthepeasantsatall.TheyoungbourgeoisintellectualsinthecountrysidewouldnothavewelcomedanyCCPdomination;latertheyactuallyresistedit.NordidthepeasantsjointheUnionbecauseofCommunistbeliefs,asisadmittedbyanimportantCommunistdocumentof1926onthepeasantmovement:Ctp品论天涯网

在这里，推动下乡活动的青年团员，其真正目标和思想才显现出来。在一位观察者看来，农民运动是“自我运作而且自主的”;它远非共产主义事业，而具有社会福利运动的意味。在这个早期阶段，青年团本来就很难说是共产主义组织，中共也几乎完全不关心农民。下乡的年轻资产阶级知识分子，不会欢迎中共的控制;后来他们确实还抵制过这种控制。农民参加农会，也不是因为信仰共产主义。1926年一份重要的共产主义农运文件就承认：Ctp品论天涯网

Thegreatestreasonforthestartofthepeasantmovementispeasantawareness.Withoutthat,werewetogotothevillagesanddopeasant-movementwork,itwouldbelikegoingtospeakofrentreductiontoafreeholder....Thisawarenessofsufferingisessential.Thereforeweinthevillages,afterspeakingtothemforhalfanhour,getthemtoestablishthePeasantAssociation...because|they|alreadyhaveawareness....Uptonownoonehastoldthemhowtoorganizeandgetunited,andsotheyareignorantofwaysandmeanstostaveoffsuffering.Butnowpeoplecometoleadthem,saying"Becomeunitedandstandup,"andthistheyreadilyduept.Ctp品论天涯网

农民运动发生的最大原因，是农民的觉悟。没有这种觉悟，我们到乡村去做农运工作，就像向一个自耕农谈减租一样……这种对苦难的认识，是必不可少的。因此，我们到乡村，对他们讲半个小时，便促使他们建立农会……因为他们已经有了觉悟……过去没有人告诉他们怎样组织、怎样团结，所以他们不知道抵御苦难的方法。如今有人来领导他们，说“团结起来，站起来”，他们便欣然接受。Ctp品论天涯网

InalettertoLiCh'un-t'aoofJuly19,1923,P'engP'aiwrote:"Inthevillagesofold,thisclassoutlookofresistancewasalreadytherefromearlytimes;buttherewasnobodytowakeitupandtomakeitcomealiveandactive."Heseesitas"apureclassoutlookinthevillagesagainstthelandlordsandcapitalists"anddescribesitas"verydeep.""NomatterwhatP'eng'sopinionwas,this(asCommunisthistoriographersconcede)wasonlyanaturalawarenessof"exploitationbytheirownlandlords,"notanawarenessof"thelandlordsystemofexploitation."Realclass-consciousnesswasstillalongwayoff.TengChung-hsiaputsitthus:"Whenshownhowtheyweredespisedbythelandlords,thepeasantsinHai-Lu-fengclappedtheirhands.Theywereaware!"Theintellectualsinthecountrysidehadmerelyplayedthecatalyticfunctionofcreatingthegreaterawarenessthatproducedorganization.IntheviewofP'engP'ai,thepeasantshadtoworkouttheirendsandmeansunanded.Inhismnd,"itisnothelpingothersbutpoormenhelpingthemselves."Ctp品论天涯网

彭湃在1923年7月19日给李春涛的信中写道：“从前的乡村，早就有这种反抗的阶级观念;只是没有人唤醒它，使它活跃起来。”他认为，这是“乡村中反对地主和资本家的纯粹阶级观念”，而且“很深”。无论彭湃怎样看，正如共产主义史家也承认的，这不过是对“自己的地主剥削”的自然认识，并不是对“地主剥削制度”的认识。真正的阶级意识仍然遥远。邓中夏这样说：“向海陆丰农民说明地主怎样轻视他们，他们就拍手。他们觉悟了!”下乡知识分子只是起了催化作用，扩大了这种认识，从而促成组织。在彭湃看来，农民必须不依靠别人，自行想清楚自己的目标和手段。他心中的想法是：“这不是帮助别人，而是穷人帮助自己。”Ctp品论天涯网

Toliveuptohisideal,P'engP'aiencouragedalocalpeasanttotakechargeofthefirstPeasantUnon,andHuangFenglinwasdulyelectedchairman.Themembersleftthemeetingfullofexcitementbecausethiswaspeasantrecognitionandapeasantsuccess.Itwasexpected,though,thatthemoreextensiveandnational——andthemorepermanent—thepeasantmovementbecame,thelesslikelyitwasthattheleadershipwouldremanpeasant.Yearslaterthisdidindeedprovetobethecase,whenthemovementwasinvadedbyradicalintellectuals.Thedifferencewasthattheseintellectuals,unlikeP'engP'ai,seldombecameonewiththepeasants.Ctp品论天涯网

为了实践自己的理想，彭湃鼓励一名当地农民负责第一个农会，黄凤麟于是当选会长。会员们散会时兴奋不已，因为这意味着农民受到承认，农民取得了成功。不过可以预料，农民运动越广泛、越具有全国性，也越持久，领导权就越不可能仍由农民掌握。多年以后，激进知识分子涌入运动，这一点果然得到证实。区别在于，这些知识分子不像彭湃，很少真正与农民融为一体。Ctp品论天涯网

ThestudentswhojoinedP'enginHaifengcamepredominantlyfromwell-to-dohouseholds,andtheteachersaroundhimalreadyenjoyedleadershipstatusinthevillages.WuHuan-t'ang,forexample,whomP'enghadmadeprincipaloftheThirdHighPrimarySchool,wasfromWuts'ouweivillagejustnorthofHaifengandbelongedtoaleadingfamilythere.HeestablishedthePeasantUnioninthevillage,but"becauseofhisworkasprincipalrarelywentthereandwashelpingP'engP'aionlyinpropagandaandorganizaton.Hewaslittleknowntothepeasants."WangHung-wenwasanotherfromarichfamily.HegaveP'engsupportandundertookcampaignworkamongthestudents.LinSusportedagoldwatch.Allthesefriendshadthebestintentionsandstrovetohelpthepeasants,buttheyscarcelytookonpeasantattitudesorgoals.Ch'enK'uei-yacametobeknownas"KingofP'uning":hehadassumedfullcommandofthemovementanddidnotcaretotrainhispeasants.Ctp品论天涯网

海丰那些加入彭湃行列的学生，主要出身于富裕家庭;围绕在他身边的教师，在村里本已具有领袖地位。例如，彭湃任命为第三高等小学校长的吴焕堂，来自海丰以北不远的Wuts'ouwei村，是当地显赫家族的一员。他在村里成立了农会，却“因忙于校长工作，很少去那里，只在宣传和组织方面帮助彭湃。农民很少认识他”。WangHung-wen也是富家子弟，他支持彭湃，在学生中做运动工作。林甦戴着金表。这些朋友都怀着最好的愿望，努力帮助农民，但几乎没有接受农民的态度或目标。陈魁亚后来被称为“普宁王”：他把运动的指挥权全部抓在自己手里，却不关心训练自己的农民。Ctp品论天涯网

Itwasundoubtedlythelargenumberofintellectualsassociatedwithit,however,thathelpedthemovementenjoyrelativesafetyafteritexpandedbeyondtheP'engfamilyestate.Inthewordsofacontemporary:Ctp品论天涯网

不过，运动扩展到彭家田产以外之后，仍能相对安全，毫无疑问得益于参加其中的大批知识分子。一位当时的人说：Ctp品论天涯网

Thepeasantmovementwasalarmingthegentryandthelocalofficials,buttheyhesitatedtosuppressitbecausethepeasantshadbeencarefultoavoidconfictswiththelandlords,andbecausethereweremanystudentsandteacherswithhigh-schoolprestigelocallyamongtheleaders.Theywereprotectedbyafalseanalogy,whichrankedthemwiththeold-timeChinesescholars—theirpersonsbeingregardedbyallclassesasalmostsacredandtheiropinionsasentitledtopeculiarrespect—sothattheywereabletoengageinseditiouspropaganda,evenmildrioting,forwhichotherswouldbeimprisonedandshot.Ctp品论天涯网

农民运动使士绅和地方官员感到惊恐，但他们犹豫着不敢镇压，因为农民一直小心避免与地主冲突，而领导人中又有许多因任教或就读于中学而在当地享有声望的师生。他们得到一种错误类比的保护：人们把他们等同于旧式中国士人，各阶层几乎都认为这些人的身份神圣不可侵犯，他们的意见理应受到特殊尊重。因此，他们能够从事煽动性宣传，甚至轻微骚乱;同样的事，换了别人，就会被监禁或枪杀。Ctp品论天涯网

UnderthiscovertheUnionwasexpanding."Ourinfluencegrewineveryvillage,andthenumberofapplicantsincreasedtoanaverageoftenpeopleaday,"reportedP'eng.Dueswere2ocentsayear,aswithothersocieties,aninitialentryfeehavingbeencanceledowingtopeasantdoubtsabouttheneedforit.(Thepeasantsforthefirsttimehadimposedtheirownviewsontheleadership,whohadbowedtotheirwishes—asmallevent,butanexampleoftheaccommodationonthepartoftheintelligentsiathatwastomarklaterrelationshuips)Fortheleadership,patiencewasthekev:"Wewillbeabletochangethisonlywhenallpeasantshaveenrolledandundergonelengthytraining."Thepeasantscouldlaydownthelawonimportantmatters,too,whentheysowished,asinfacttheylaterdidwhentheyrealizedthattheirleadershadaimsdifferentfromtheirs.Ctp品论天涯网

在这种庇护下，农会不断扩大。彭湃报告：“我们在各村的影响日益增长，申请人数增加到平均每天十人。”会费与其他会社一样，每年二角;最初还收入会费，因农民怀疑有无必要而取消了。(农民第一次让领导层接受了自己的主张，领导层也顺从了他们的意愿。这件事虽小，却说明知识分子作出了迁就，这也将成为以后双方关系的特点。)对领导层而言，耐心是关键：“只有等全体农民入会，并经过长期训练，才能改变这种情形。”只要他们愿意，农民在大事上也能自己定规矩;后来察觉领袖的目标与自身目标不同时，他们确实这样做过。Ctp品论天涯网

ThenumberofUnionsestablishedsoonwarrantedthefoundingofaHaifengGeneralPeasantUnion."ByOctobertherewereabouttwentynewmembersaday,"andsoon"morethantenregionshadsetupAreaUnions."FirstafterCh'ihshanwasP'ingkang,wheretheP'enghadsomeland.YangCh'i-shanoperatedthereandhadalreadybroughtallthepeasantsovertoP'engP'ai.Yanghadastrongpersonalityand"whenP'engP'aiwassubjecttosuddenfitsoftemper,hiscolleagueswouldsendforYangtosubdueP'eng'sfieryexplosions."Hebecamethevice-chairmanoftheGeneralPeasantUnion;P'engactuallywantedhimtobechairman,butthemembershipinsistedonP'enghimselftakingthisposition.Intheopinionofacontemporary,"YangwasnotaBolshevikextremistandhadinhisveinsthetraditionalconservatismofthevillagepeople."DuringtheSoviet,YangwouldmanytimesdeplorethewholesaleslaughterandcalluponP'engP'aitohaltit.Ctp品论天涯网

已成立的农会数量，很快就足以支持建立海丰农民总会。“到十月，每天约有二十名新会员”，不久便有“十多个地区成立了约农会”。赤山之后首先成立的是平岗，彭家在那里有些土地。杨其珊在当地活动，已经使所有农民都转而支持彭湃。杨个性很强，“彭湃突然发脾气时，同事们就找杨来压住他的怒火”。他后来担任农民总会副会长;彭湃本想让他当会长，会员却坚持由彭湃本人担任。一位当时的人认为，“杨不是布尔什维克极端分子，他的血管里流着村民传统的保守性”。苏维埃时期，杨多次痛惜大规模杀戮，要求彭湃加以制止。Ctp品论天涯网

AnotherearlyUnionsetupbylocalpeasantswasinthevillagesaroundMeilung.ThisU'monresistedtheexploitationbytheLindanandaskedfora25percentcutinrents,failingwhichtheLinfieldswouldnotbeworked.Thelandlordssurrendered.UnionswerealsoestablishedinYinchen,Ch'inghu,Hok'ou,Hsiho,Kungp'ing,Chiuhsi,andelsewhere.P'engP'aigaveLiasketchofthevillagemembersoftheUnionencirclingHaifeng.InalettertoafrienddatedFebruary9,1923,P'engmakesclearhisintentiontoattackthecapitalcityfromthecountrysidethroughapolicyofeconomicblockade."Inthreedaysvictorywillsurelybeours."TheUnionwasthestartofaruralpowerbasethatovercamethepullofthemarkettownintheruralarea;inthevillages,politicalpower"shiftedfromthebigwheelsandgentrytothePeasantUnion."ForthefirsttimeatruePeasantUnion,pursuingpeasantinterests,workedinapeasantenvironment.LufengnowalsosentdelegatestoaskforthestartoftheUnionthere."Amarvelousopportunity!"exclaimedP'engP'ai,whoregrettedbeingunabletotakeoneverything.Still,LufenghaditsUnionbyMay1923.Ctp品论天涯网

梅陇周边村庄，也由本地农民较早成立了一个农会。这个农会抵抗林氏宗族的剥削，要求减租25%，否则便不耕林氏的田。地主让步了。Yinchen、青湖、河口、西河、公平、九溪等地，也都成立了农会。彭湃给李春涛画了一幅略图，标出包围海丰的各会员村庄。在1923年2月9日致友人的信中，他明确表示，要用经济封锁政策，从乡村进攻县城。“三天以内，一定胜利。”农会开始构成乡村的权力基础，克服了市镇对农村的吸引力;在各村，政治权力“从大头目和士绅手里转到农会”。一个真正追求农民利益的农会，第一次在农民自己的环境中开展工作。陆丰也派代表来请求成立农会。“极好的机会!”彭湃这样感叹，只遗憾自己无法兼顾所有事情。但到1923年五月，陆丰仍然有了自己的农会。Ctp品论天涯网

ChungI-moupointsoutthatallthesePeasantUnionswereorganizedbythebestpeasantleaders.TheirrapidsuccessgaveP’engP'ai"greatconsolation"andshowedthatthepeasantswerefarmore"aware,"evenatthisearlystage,thaneitherthelandlordsortheintelligentsiahadestimated.Byearly1923landlordswerebeginningtobeconcernedatU'nionstrength:"Wethoughttheywereunabletosucceedandmereloudmouths.Weneverexpectedthis."ThepowersthatbehadrealizedthepotentialthreatposedbyP'engandhisUnion.Whenhewashaving"ahardlife,"ashereportedtoLi,hewassummonedtothehouseofanofficialoftheCh'enlineage,whotoldhimthatCh'enChiung-mingwasmuchinterestedinhimandinhiswork,andthathecouldassurehimapositioninCanton.P'eng,however,refusedtogotoCantonandannouncedthathehadnointentionofbecom-inganofficial,excusinghimselfbysayingthathepreferredtostayathomeandstudy.Thetruthwashedidnotwant"toleavethepeasantshelovedandthefledglingUnion."Ctp品论天涯网

钟逸牟指出，这些农会都是由最出色的农民领袖组织起来的。它们迅速成功，使彭湃“得到很大的安慰”，也说明即使在这个早期阶段，农民的“觉悟”已经远高于地主和知识分子的估计。到1923年初，地主开始担心农会的力量：“我们以为他们不会成功，不过是些大嘴巴。没想到会这样。”当权者已经意识到，彭湃及其农会可能构成威胁。彭湃在给李春涛的信中说，自己那时“生活艰难”，却被召到一位陈氏支族官员的家中。此人告诉他，陈炯明很关注他本人和他的工作，可以保证他在广州获得一个职位。但彭湃拒绝去广州，说自己无意做官，借口更愿意在家读书。实情是，他不愿“离开自己所爱的农民和初生的农会”。Ctp品论天涯网

AfurtherreasonfortheestablishmentoftheGeneralPeasantUnionwastherealizationthatseparateUnions,actingindependentlyunderlocalleadershipalone,werenotenoughtomeetthechallengeofthelandlords.InMeilungdistrict,landlordshadalreadyforinedaSocietytoProtectProduction,withtheaimofstandingtogethertoopposetheUnion'sdemandfora25or30percentreductioninrents.Sothepeasantsnowdecidedtotakealeafoutofthelandlords'book.Thepoolingofmembershipandresourcesbroughttogetherastated20,000households;assumingtheusualaverageoffivepersonsperhousehold,thiswouldmean1oo,ooopeople,agoodquarterofthecounty'spopulation,eitherinorundertheUnion."ButP'engwroteprivatelytoLiwithverydifferentfigures:2,760householdsin98villagesatsixpersonsperhousehold,whichmakes16,560members.ItwouldhavebeenphysicallyimpossibleinanycaseformembershiptohaveincreasedsomuchinsoshortatimefromtheinauguralmeetinginlateOctober.TheexaggerationoffiguresstartedherebyP'engP'aiwastobecomeaconstantfeatureofpeasant-movementstatistics.Ctp品论天涯网

成立农民总会，还有一个原因：人们认识到，分散的农会仅凭地方领袖各自行动，不足以应对地主的挑战。在梅陇区，地主已经成立保产会，联合反对农会减租25%或30%的要求。农民于是决定效法地主。汇合各会会员和资源后，据称共有20,000户;按通常每户五人计算，就是100,000人，即全县人口的四分之一，都参加了农会或处于其影响之下。但彭湃私下写给李春涛的数字很不一样：98个村，2,760户，每户六人，合计16,560名会员。无论如何，从十月底的成立大会算起，短短时间内，会员人数不可能增长那么多。彭湃从这里开始夸大数字，此后这便成了农运统计中的常见现象。Ctp品论天涯网

TheinauguralmeetingoftheHaifengCountyGeneralPeasantUniononJanuary1,1923,wasattendedby"6odistrictdelegates"probablyrepresentingtheUnionsin98villagesoftheHaifeng,Kungp'ing,andMeilungdistricts,wheretheUnionwasstrong.Itwasveryformal,withanelaborateagenda:chairman'sopeningreportsfromdelegates,reviewofthepreparatoryprocess,elections,constitution,suggestions,adinner-cum-entertainment.Theagendastronglysuggestsdemocracy.CertainlyP'engwishedthepeasantstoshareintheUnion'sleadership,ascanbeseenalsofromtheelectedexecutive,allofwhomexceptP'engwerepeasants:P’'engP'ai,chair-man;YangC'hi-shan,vice-chairman;LanChing-ch'ing,treasurer;LinP'ei,secretaryforgeneralaffairs;ChangMa-an,inspector."ThemeetingapprovedprovisionalregulationsthatweremodeledontheStudentUnion'sconstitution.P'engP'aiwrotetoLiinFebruarythathehadintendedtohaveitdoneaccordingtothe"Soviet"organizationandlaw,butthat"Imyselfamstillnotclearonthedetailsofthiskindoforganization,andbesides,theintellectuallevelofthepeasantsbeingingeneralratherlowandtheirwaysofthinkingverysimple,theywerescaredoftheterm,sodifficulttoremember:Su-wei-ai."Ctp品论天涯网

海丰县农民总会于1923年1月1日召开成立大会，“六十名区代表”出席，可能代表了海丰、公平和梅陇等农会势力较强地区的98个村庄。大会十分正式，议程详尽：主席开幕、代表报告、筹备过程检讨、选举、章程、建议，以及聚餐和娱乐。这样的议程充分显示了民主意味。彭湃确实希望农民共同参与领导，从选出的执行委员也可以看出这一点：除他之外，全都是农民。彭湃任会长，杨其珊任副会长，蓝镜清任司库，林沛任总务，张妈安任监察。大会通过了仿照学生会章程拟订的暂行规则。彭湃在二月给李春涛的信中说，自己原想按“苏维埃”的组织和法律来拟订，但“我自己对这种组织的细节还不清楚，再说农民的知识水平普遍较低，思想很简单，他们怕这个难记的名词：苏维埃”。Ctp品论天涯网

Thefirstitemontheagendawas"Unionduesshouldbeincreased,"astheleadershipwanted;butuptoJulythefeeswereasbefore.Applicantswhocameinpersonforenrollmentwerepersuadedtoaccept"ourideas"andwereissuedwithaUnioncardgivingfullrights,includingasayinelections.Thecardevokedforthepeasantstheoldsignofsecret-societymembership,butnowinamodernsetting.Itwasseenasrepresentingaformofeconomicandsocialsecurity,andindeedwouldeventuallybethepasstoa5o-percentcutinmedicalfees,toreducedrent,andtotheallotmentofland—makingitapreciouspossession."Incourtcases,whenarguingagainstarmytaxandtheordertotransportarmysupplies,orinstreet-cornerdisputes,apeasantwouldbringouthismembershipcard....Everyonefearedthepowerofpeasantsolidarity."NowonderthatwhentheUnionwasdissolved,soldiershadtobesenttoforcepeasantstosurrendertheirmembershipcards"atseveralyüaneach."Thesizeofacallingcard,itboretheslogan"Nowork,nofood:oneinheart,oneinstrength,"togetherwiththeholder'sname,village,anddistrict,andthedateofissue.OnthereversewasthegreatsealoftheGeneralPeasantUnion."Ctp品论天涯网

议程第一项是“应增加会费”，这正是领导层的愿望;但直到七月，会费仍与以前相同。亲自来申请入会的人，经劝说接受“我们的思想”后，便领取会员证，享有包括参与选举在内的完整权利。对农民而言，会员证唤起了旧时秘密会社入会标记的记忆，却置于一种现代背景之中。它被视为经济和社会保障的象征，后来也确实成为医药费减半、减租和分配土地的凭证，因而十分珍贵。“打官司、争辩军税和运送军需的命令，或在街头发生纠纷时，农民就拿出会员证……人人都怕农民团结的力量。”难怪农会被解散时，必须派兵强迫农民以“每张数元”交出会员证。会员证与名片大小相仿，上印口号：“不劳动，不吃饭;一条心，一股力”，并载持证人的姓名、村庄、所属区和发证日期。背面盖着农民总会的大印。Ctp品论天涯网

TheUnionwasnowinterclanandinterdistrict,democraticallyestablishedwithanapprovedconstitutionbyaprocessallowingforreport,discussion,andrecommendations.Inshort,itwasaseriousorganization,likeagovernmentofthecountrysideor"agovernmentinexile,"which,thoughstillexcludedfromthecity,hadalreadyestablishedits"jurisdiction."%TheGeneralUnionorganizationchartsuggestedarealgovernmentstructurerunnngparallelwiththeotficialoneinthecountyseat.Certaunlyeverythingherepointstoapowerstructuredesignedtoachieveevengreaterpower;butpowerofadifferentkindwasinview,sincetheanarchistinP'engP'aiwasinterestedinananarcho-communistrevolutionandworkingtowardwhathecalled"socialism."InhisletterstoLi,P'engrepeatedlyexpressedhisaimtoleadthePeasantUniontothestageofrevolution."Ctp品论天涯网

农会如今已经跨宗族、跨地区，通过允许报告、讨论和建议的程序，以民主方式成立，并通过了章程。简言之，它是一个认真运作的组织，仿佛乡村政府，或一个“流亡政府”;虽然仍被排除在城外，却已经确立了自己的“管辖范围”。总会的组织图，显示出一个与县城官方机构并行的真正政府结构。这里的一切，显然都指向一种意在取得更大权力的权力结构;但它所设想的是另一种权力，因为彭湃身上的无政府主义者，关心的是无政府共产主义革命，追求他所称的“社会主义”。在给李春涛的信中，彭湃反复表明，要把农会引向革命阶段。Ctp品论天涯网

AswellasUniondues,financialmattersdiscussedatthemeetingalsoincludedmeasuresforseizingcontroloftheyammarketfromthegentryandthugs.T'heHaifengmarketwasworthupto￥4,000,buttoavordaconflicttheresolutiononthissubjectrejectedashowdownwiththegentry,notingthat"itwasbesttonegotiəte."Cautionwasthewatchword;theUniondur-ingitsearlystagespreferredmoderationandactionwithinthelawinareformistmovement.Thegentry,aswasexpected,opposedUnionmeddlinginthemarket,andobjectedtoitsuseofstandardscalesforweighingyams.TheUnionreactedbynotifyingthepeasantstosetuptheyammarketnearitsownofficeinCh'iao-tung-sheandbystrictlyforbiddingbusinessattheoldmarket.Thenewpeasantmarketwasestabhishedatalargecompoundneartheriver,some300metersfromthebridge.TheaffairwentoffpeacefullyandanothervictorywasscoredbytheUnion."Ctp品论天涯网

大会讨论的财务问题，除了会费，还包括如何从士绅和恶棍手中夺取番薯市场的控制权。海丰的这一市场价值高达4,000元，但为了避免冲突，决议不主张与士绅决裂，而认为“最好谈判”。谨慎是指导原则;早期农会作为改革运动，倾向于采取温和、合法的行动。不出所料，士绅反对农会介入市场，也反对用统一标准的秤称番薯。农会随即通知农民，把番薯市场设在桥东社本会办公处附近，严禁在旧市场交易。新的农民市场设在河边一处大院，距桥约300米。事情平静地办成，农会又赢得了一次胜利。Ctp品论天涯网

ApoliticalproblemofanotherkindinvolvedthecolorsoftheUnionflagandtheirsignificanceforthepeasantry.Thismatterwasbynomeanstrivial.P'engrealizedthattheoldFlagsstillhadgreatappeal,andthattheUnionwouldperforcehavetounitebothcolorsifallthepeasantsweretobebroughtin."Sowedidnotusejonly|theblack|orthe|red,butboth,thusrepresentingthecombinedfightingspiritoftheolddays."Theflagwas"fourfieldsofredandblack,"thetwocolorswhichhadearlierdivıdedvillagesandevenfainiliesinHaifeng.Eventually"peasantlovaltiestoRedorBlackFlagdisappearedandtheyallusedthesinglepeasantflag."ThisisfurtherevidencethatwhenpeasantsenrolledintheUnion,theydidsowiththeirownparticularideasandaspirations.The"brothers"oftheUnionwerejustasearnestanddedicatedastheTriadbrothershadbeen.Intimesofcrisistheynowoncemorecouldshout:"Alive,weareUnionmen;dead,weareUnionghosts.""P'engremarkedthatamongthenewrecruitsinJanuaryi923therewasnodearthofmenwithrevolutionaryspirit,thebackboneoftheformerTriadandFlagunits.TheoldFlagshadbeensuppressedonlytenyearsbefore,soitwasrelativelyeasytorevivethesentimentstheyinspired.P'engandhisUnionprovidedbothencouragementandaframe-work,andforprovocationtheCommander'sOfficeneverfailed.'"Thereligiousoutlookoftheformersecretsocietieswasanotherelementpresent,despiteP'eng'sobjections.Thepeasantslookeduponhimasthesourceoftheirstrength:theycalledhim"PrinceP'eng"or"P'engP'usu"—afterthebodhisattvawhorefrainsfromenteringNirvanasoastoministertotheneedsofthesufferingonearth.TheFlags,aseventsproved,hadneverreallydisintegratedbuthadonlygoneunderground,readytobemusteredintherightcircumstances.Ctp品论天涯网

另一个政治问题，涉及农会旗帜的颜色及其对农民的意义。这绝非小事。彭湃明白，旧旗组织仍有很强的吸引力;如果要吸纳全部农民，农会就必须把两种旗色合在一起。“所以我们不用单独的黑色或红色，而把两色一起用，代表从前联合战斗的精神。”旗帜由“红黑两色四块”构成;这两种颜色，过去曾使海丰的村庄乃至家庭彼此分裂。最终，“农民对红旗或黑旗的忠诚消失，都改用一面农民旗”。这进一步说明，农民加入农会时，怀有自己独特的想法和愿望。农会的“兄弟”，与过去三合会兄弟一样真诚、忠心。危急时刻，他们如今又能喊出：“生是农会人，死是农会鬼。”彭湃说，1923年一月的新会员中，不乏有革命精神的人，他们正是过去三合会和旗组织的骨干。旧旗组织被镇压仅十年，因此相对容易重新唤起其所激发的情感。彭湃和农会提供了鼓励与组织框架，而督军府也从未停止提供挑衅。尽管彭湃反对，过去秘密会社的宗教观念仍然存在。农民把他视为力量之源，称他“彭王”或“彭菩萨”——如同那位为照顾世间苦难者而暂不进入涅槃的菩萨。事实证明，旗组织从未真正瓦解，只是转入地下，等待合适的条件再度动员。Ctp品论天涯网

TheFlagtraditionverylikelyfacilitatedthespreadoftheUnion;thequickinereaseinenrollmentwasprobablyduetothevariousFlagunitsdecidingtojoinenmasseandonalocalbasis.YangCh'i-shanmayhavetakenhispeasantsintotheUniononthesegrounds,oncetheyrealizedthatitresembledtheirsecretorganizationandwaswieldingconsiderablepower.Thoughoperatingintheopen,theUnionhaditsshareofsecrecyinthatitwasworkingagainsttheestablishmentandthatitusedadifferentsetofslogansforinternalandexternalconsumption.Eventheuseofsignswasretained.Pengintroducedahandsign"asinthepasttheTriadhaddoneforidentifyingmembers."SincetheUnionwasknownasthe"partyofthepoor,"thesigninvolvedthethumbandindexfinger(simulartothecharacterpa|"eight"],whichstoodforp'nn|"poor"|),theindexandmiddlefinger(jen["man"]),andthefivefingers(tang["party"l).'"Ctp品论天涯网

旗组织的传统，很可能促进了农会的传播;会员迅速增加，也许是各旗组织的地方单位决定集体入会的结果。杨其珊或许就是基于这一点，把自己的农民带进了农会：他们认识到，农会与自己的秘密组织相似，又拥有相当大的力量。农会虽然公开活动，却也有隐秘的一面，因为它反对现存权力，而且内外使用不同的口号。就连暗号也保留下来了。彭湃引入一种手势，“像过去三合会用来识别会员的那样”。农会被称为“穷人党”，因此手势用拇指和食指作出“八”字，代表“贫”;再用食指和中指作出“人”字;五指则代表“党”。Ctp品论天涯网

Asdescribedinaninternalreport,thecompositionoftheUnioncameclosetosecret-societyelements:"victimsofthepolitical,economic,andmilitarycrisis,...dissidentmembersoftheprvilegedclass,andnonconformistgentry."1o4TheUnion'senemies,too,differedlittlefromthosethesecretsocietieshadhadtoconfront:LiCh'un-t'aoreportsPengdescribingUnionpolicyas"facinguptothelandlordsandtakingtotasktheauthorities."1o5TheUnonwastreadingtheTriadpath,sincetheradicalintelhigentsiaandthelowerclassesjoineditin"akindofsohdarity"thattypically"expressedanoppositiontothestate,characteristicofthepoorandthepeasantry."P'engandhiscollaboratorsamongtheintelligentsiamighthavebeenofadifferentmindaltogether,buttothethousandsofenrollingpeasantstheUnionwasarevivaloftheFlags,nowunderonebanner.Theysawnocontradictionbetweenthetwo.Ctp品论天涯网

一份内部报告对农会成员的描述，与秘密会社的成分很接近：“政治、经济和军事危机的受害者……特权阶级中的异议者，以及不守成规的士绅。”农会的敌人，也与秘密会社过去所对付的敌人相差无几。李春涛记述，彭湃把农会政策概括为“对抗地主，责问当局”。农会正沿着三合会的道路前进：激进知识分子和下层民众，在“一种团结关系”中加入农会;这种关系典型地“表现出穷人和农民所特有的对国家的反抗”。彭湃和他的知识分子同伴，也许另有完全不同的想法;但对数千名入会农民而言，农会就是旗组织的复兴，只不过如今归于同一面旗帜。他们不认为两者之间有什么矛盾。Ctp品论天涯网

AnearlyleafletexplainingwhypeasantsshouldjointheUnionlistedseventeenpoints-allheavilyloadedwithwelfareprovisions.Unioncountylevelplanswerealsoalongtheselines—higherlivingstandards,improvedcultivationandproduction,villageself-government,anduniversaleducaton.TheUnion'smainactivitiesclearlycenteredonwelfare,thoughatthesametimetheUnionfaceduptothesociopoliticaltasksthatthisbrought."Ctp品论天涯网

一份早期传单列出农民为什么应该入会的十七条理由，全都着重强调福利。农会在县一级的计划也循着同一方向：提高生活水平，改进耕作和生产，实行村庄自治，普及教育。农会的主要活动显然集中于福利，同时也正视这些活动带来的社会政治任务。Ctp品论天涯网

OneofthefirstwelfareschemeswasaFuneralAidSociety,whichwas'establishedbyP'engP'aibeforeeventheUnionitself."Thesuperstitionofthepeoplewasespeciallymanifestedatdeath.Chinesegeomancyholdsthatifamanisburiedinaproperlysitedgrave,hisdescendantswillprosper.Afuneralwasthusaspecialopportunityforshowingfilialpietywithnoexpensespared.Asimpleburialhadtohaveafewgongsandarepast;agoodonerequiredanimposingfuneralprocession,withtwolavishbanquetsatsometimesahundredtables.Mourningwasacommonaffair;10asthesayinghadit,"Whenamandies,thewholevillagestopscooking."Ctp品论天涯网

最早的福利措施之一，是丧葬互助会;彭湃甚至在农会成立以前，就已创办它。民众的迷信，在死亡面前表现得格外明显。中国风水观认为，一个人若葬在位置适当的墓穴里，子孙就会兴旺。丧事因而成为表现孝道的特殊机会，花费在所不惜。简单的葬礼也得有几面锣和一顿饭;体面的葬礼，则要有壮观的送葬队伍和两场盛宴，有时多达一百桌。哀悼是全村共同的事。俗话说，“一家死人，全村停灶”。Ctp品论天涯网

TomeetsuchexpensefamiliesformedBurialAssociations,whichthroughcontributionsfromtheirmembersprovidedloansintheeventofadeath.InHaifengitwasthe"Parents'Association."Thepracticedatedbackto1812whentheAssociationwasacoverfortheclandestineoperationsoftheTriad"SocietyofHeavenandEarth."Bythe192o'stheAssociationwasjustonemoreformofexploitation.P'engP'airestoreditwithinthesocialundertakingsofthePeasantUnion,tosavefamiliesfromafinancialsloughfromwhichtheycouldneverextricatethemselves.'Ctp品论天涯网

为了应付这种开支，各家组成丧葬互助组织，由会员出资，在有人去世时提供借款。海丰称之为“父母会”。这一做法可追溯到1812年，当时父母会是三合会“天地会”秘密活动的掩护。到20世纪20年代，它已不过是又一种剥削形式。彭湃把它恢复起来，纳入农会的社会事业，以免家庭陷入永远无法脱身的财务泥淖。Ctp品论天涯网

Thisformofwelfaremusthavebeenahighlyattractivemeasure,justwhatthepeasantswanted.Therewereatfirst150members,eachpaying20centswhenaparentdied.Itsutilitywasevidentthefirstdayofitsestablishment,withthefuneralofthefatherofoneofthemembers.T'hepeasantswereimpressedwhenPengP'aihimselfconductedtheceremonyandreadtheritualprayers;healsogaveanaddress,thus"turningtheoccasionintoapieceofpropaganda."Unfortunately,"withintendaysofitsstarting,fiveorsixpeopledied."TheSocietywasnotinapositiontocoverdeathonthisscale,andageneralmcetingdeclared"itstemporarysuspensionuntlsuf.ficientfundswereavailable."Ctp品论天涯网

这种福利措施一定很有吸引力，恰好合乎农民的愿望。最初有150名会员，每逢一位父母去世，各缴二角。成立第一天，就遇到一位会员的父亲出殡，其作用立即显现。彭湃亲自主持仪式、诵读祭文，使农民深受感动;他还发表讲话，“把这个场合变成了一次宣传”。不幸的是，“成立十天之内，就死了五六个人”。互助会无力承担这么多丧事，大会宣布“暂时停办，等有足够资金再说”。Ctp品论天涯网

ThenextwelfareactivitywasapeasantpharmacyandclinicopenedrightinthecenterofHaifengcityonthemainstreet.PeopleinHai-Lu-fengweregenerallyrobust,buteconomicdisasterandsocialunrestinfluencedthegeneralwell-being.ThePresbyterianmissionariesreportedin191fromtheirnew6o-bedhospitalinSwabuethattuberculosis"wasrampantinallitsforms."Anemiawascommon,andmalaria,splenomegalia,beriberi,peripheralneuritis,andtrachomawereprevalent.Cholerawasaregularscourge:in1926-27bothitandbubonieplaguewererife.LeprosywassuchafrequentproblemthattheCatholicsinSwabueestablishedalepercolony.Ctp品论天涯网

下一项福利事业，是在海丰县城中心的大街开办农民药房和诊所。海陆丰民众一般身体健壮，但经济灾难与社会动荡影响了整体健康。长老会传教士1911年从汕尾新建的六十床医院报告说，结核病“各种类型都十分猖獗”。贫血常见，疟疾、脾肿大、脚气病、周围神经炎和沙眼也很普遍。霍乱定期肆虐：1926至1927年，霍乱与腺鼠疫同时流行。麻风如此常见，以致汕尾的天主教徒建立了麻风病收容区。Ctp品论天涯网

Chinesemedicine,muchrespectedandverypopular,wastheformofmedicaltreatmentnormallypracticed.Somedoctorshandleditexpertly,butotherswerequacks.Inmattersofhealththerewasgreatsuperstitionandmuchresorttosorcery.Attheheightofcholeraepidemics,gongswerebeatentofrightenawaythespirits,andsorcererswerecalledintodispelevilinfluences.AsforWesternmedicine,therewasaCatholichospitalinHuichouinadditontothePresbyteranoneinSwabue,andHongKongofferedyetanotherchoiceforthosewhocouldaffordit.ThePresbyterianspioneeredthetrainingoflocalpeopleinWesternmedicine:Dr.Sandemanhadeightstudentsunderhimin19o9,ofwhomtwowerereadytopractice.In191oaChinesedoctoropenedaWesternpharmacyinHaifengcityandintheearly192o'sCh'enChiung-mingbuiltacivichospitalthere,withaSchoolofMidwiferytaking22studentsandrunbythePresbyterians.OtherclinicswereopenedbynewlygraduateddoctorssuchasMaChao-p'ingandLüCh'u-hsiung."Ctp品论天涯网

通常使用的医疗方式是中医，深受尊重，也十分普及。一些医生医术精湛，另一些则是庸医。健康问题中，迷信很重，求助巫术也很常见。霍乱严重时，人们敲锣驱鬼，请巫师消除邪祟。西医方面，除汕尾的长老会医院外，惠州也有天主教医院;付得起钱的人，还可选择香港。长老会率先培训当地人学习西医：1909年，Sandeman医生有八名学生，其中两人已经能够行医。1910年，一名中国医生在海丰城开办西药房;20世纪20年代初，陈炯明又在那里建了一所市民医院，附设由长老会主持、招收二十二名学生的助产学校。马朝平、吕楚雄等新毕业医生，也开办了其他诊所。Ctp品论天涯网

TheUnioncliniconGreatStreetwasrunbyI)r.Lü,"whowasenthusiasticaboutthepeasantmovement."P'engP'aiwonhimovertodoingpeasant-movementworkafteracasualtalkinarestaurant.HejoinedupwithP'eng,thetwotogethervisitingvillagesfromearlyinthemorningtolateatnight,andhewasinstrumentalinwinningovermanypeasantstotheUnion.TheclinicbecametheofficialaddressofthePeasantUnion.Treatmentofmemberswasnotsubjecttocharge,thoughmedicinewas,athalftheusualprice(theotherhalfcomingfromtheUnionandfromdonations).Inanyevent,nocard-holdingpeasantpaidoutmorethan2oto3ocents.Dr.LüwasassistedbyhiswifeLiuEn-ch'üan,amidwife."Alotofpeoplecameformedicineanddeliveries,"andtherewassomeabusewithnonmembersborrowingmembers'cards.Toeliminatethis,theUnioncardwasmadenontransferableandexpensivetoreplaceiflost.Tooffsetthecostsofthemedicalservice,moneyfromthenewmarketincomewasused.'Ctp品论天涯网

大街的农会诊所，由“热心农民运动”的吕医生主持。彭湃在饭馆里与他偶然交谈之后，说服他参加农运工作。他与彭湃结伴，从早到晚走访各村，在争取许多农民加入农会方面发挥了重要作用。诊所成了农会的正式通讯地址。会员看病不收费，药费则收通常价格的一半，另一半由农会和捐款负担。不论怎样，持会员证的农民，最多只花二三角。吕医生的妻子刘恩泉是助产士，协助他的工作。“来拿药和接生的人很多”，也出现非会员借用会员证的滥用情形。为杜绝此事，农会规定会员证不得转借，遗失补领费用很高。新市场的一部分收入，被用于补贴医疗服务的开支。Ctp品论天涯网

WiththeUnioninfulloperationatthecountylevelandthewelfareworksteppedup,thePeasantUniongainedincreasingsupportfromMiddleandHigherPrmmarystudentsandthemoreenhightenedoftheintellhigentsia.InHaifengmanystudentshadgenuinesympathyforthepeasants:itwastosuchpeoplethattheworkofpropagandawasassigned."Bythemethodssoonlaiddowntherewouldfirstbea"scheduledspeech"onrequest,thespeakerbeingnominatedbythepropagandadepartment.Nextcame"circulatingpropaganda,"withactivistsmovingaroundinthevillages,andalsoshort-noticespeeches"ontheoccasionofareligiousprocessionoranopera."Ctp品论天涯网

农会在县一级全面运作，福利工作不断加强，也获得越来越多中等、高等小学学生及较开明知识分子的支持。海丰许多学生真心同情农民，宣传工作便交给这些人。按不久后制定的办法，先应请求安排“定期演讲”，由宣传部指定讲员;其次是“巡回宣传”，积极分子在各村来回活动;又会“趁迎神或演戏时”，临时安排演讲。Ctp品论天涯网

PropagandatopiesencapsulatedinsloganswerealreadyfixedatthefirstGeneralPeasantUnionmeeting.Forinternalusetheywerethese:reducerent;abolish"thethreeblowsofthestick"andtheforeman'schicken,duck,rice,andcash;eliminatebribestothepolice.Forexternalusetheywereimproveagriculture,increasepeasantknowledge,andperformcharitablework.Ctp品论天涯网

第一次农民总会大会，已经确定了用口号概括的宣传主题。内部使用的口号是：减租;废除“三下揩”及田头鸡、鸭、米、钱;杜绝给警察行贿。对外使用的口号则是：改进农业，增进农民知识，开展慈善事业。Ctp品论天涯网

LongbeforetheRussianssetuptheirpropagandamachineinCantoninthe1920's,P'engP'aiwasalreadyusingpropagandaeffectively.Ch'enChiung-minghadalsodoneso,butP'engP'ainowstrovefordirectcontactwiththeilliteratemassesthemselves,notjusttheintelligentsiaorbourgeoisie.Heachievedthisthroughtheuseoftheater,whichhadalreadyprovedsuccessfulandwasnotaninnovation,forithadplayedapartinTriadinitiationrituals:"bymeansofplay,deedsofinjusticecouldbeportrayedandasenseofrevengecouldbearoused."'Earlier,theatricalgroupshadgoneonbehalfoftheT'ungMengHuitothemassesoftheCantonDelta.P'engPaiisreportedtohavemadetheaterintoaforcefulinstrumentforthepeasantmovement,personallycoachinghisperformers.RelatedtotheslogansthatChineseideogramseasilytransmitwerethecartoonsthatP'engP'aiexcelledatandthatfoundafirmplaceinthemagazineshepublished.Finally,therewerealsothesongsP'engcomposed,againverymuchlikedbvtheHai-fengpeople.1"Hewouldgiveoldtunesnewwords,aswitha"reactionarv'Hakkamountainsongthathetransformedintoa"revolutionary"ballad.Theoriginaltoldofanemigrantwhowentoverseastoearnmoneyandbroughtbackjadebraceletsandgoldearringstohissweetheart.InP'eng'sadaptationthelovergoesofftofight,isvictorious,andreturnswithapistolandgrenade.'"Itiscommonlyacknowledgedthat"P'engP'aurwasrespon-sibleforthegreatoutputofrevolutionarysongsinHai-Lu-feng,anditwasforthemakingofrevolutionthatheusedhisconsiderableartisticandliterarytalent."Asforhiscolleagues,thepropagandadepartmentcanbeseenastheprototypeofthePeasantMovementTrainingInstitute.ShorttrainingcourseswereprobablygiventostudentsandpeasantsengagedinspreadingtheUnion'sideasandinorganization,andthetouringteamsofpropagandistsservedasamodelforthepeasant-movementcadreslaterdispatchedbythepeasantdepartmentinCanton.Ctp品论天涯网

早在俄国人于20世纪20年代在广州建立宣传机器以前，彭湃就已有效地使用宣传。陈炯明也曾这样做，但彭湃如今力求直接接触不识字的群众，而非仅仅接触知识分子或资产阶级。他通过戏剧实现这一点。这种手段已经证明有效，并非新发明，因为它过去就参与三合会的入会仪式：“借助戏剧，可以表现不公正的行为，唤起复仇的情绪。”更早时候，剧团曾代表同盟会，走向广州三角洲的群众。据记载，彭湃把戏剧变成农运的有力工具，亲自指导演员。与汉字容易传达的口号相联系的，还有他擅长的漫画;这些漫画在他出版的刊物中占据固定位置。最后，还有彭湃创作的歌曲，也深受海丰人喜爱。他为旧曲填上新词，例如把一首“反动”的客家山歌改成“革命”歌谣。原歌讲一个侨民出洋挣钱，为心上人带回玉镯和金耳环;彭湃改写之后，情郎出去打仗，胜利归来，带回的是手枪和手榴弹。人们普遍承认，“海陆丰大量革命歌曲的创作，应归功于彭湃;他把卓越的艺术和文学才华用于革命”。至于他的同伴，宣传部可以看作农民运动讲习所的雏形。参与传播农会思想和组织工作的学生、农民，很可能接受过短期训练;巡回宣传队，也为后来广州农民部派出的农运干部提供了范例。Ctp品论天涯网

Theenormousproblemofpeasantliteracywasinthehandsoftheeducationdepartment.Knowingthateducationmightmakeorbreakthepeasantmovement,"thePeasantUnioncirculatedaslogan'PeasantEducation'-whichmeanttorunapeasantschool."InthisfieldagainP'engP'aiwasapioneer;hewasoneofthefirsttoworkseriouslytoeducatethepeasants.'ThoughMaoTse-tunghadestablishedaworkers'nightschoolinCh'angshaintheautumnof1917whereworkerswereexpectedtomasterelementaryreading,writing,andarithmetic,Mao'sslantatthistimewastowardtheintelligentsia,andheadmittedthatheidentifiedhimselfwiththegeneralrunofforeign-stylestudentsandteachers,"feelingthatthepeasantsweresomehowwrong."HisPeople'sSchoolsetupin1920,andhisinvolvementintheMassEducationMovementinHunanin1921,centeredonevolutionarychangesratherthanonrevolutionineducation.Ctp品论天涯网

农民识字这一巨大问题，由教育部负责。农会深知，教育关系到农运的成败，因此“提出‘农民教育’口号，意思就是办农民学校”。在这方面，彭湃又是先驱;他是最早认真开展农民教育的人之一。毛泽东虽于1917年秋在长沙办过工人夜校，要求工人掌握基本读写和算术，但当时他的取向仍偏重知识分子;他承认，自己认同一般的新式师生，“觉得农民总有些不对”。他1920年创办的人民学校，以及1921年参与的湖南平民教育运动，着眼于渐进的变化，而非教育革命。Ctp品论天涯网

P'eng,onthecontrary,sawboththeoldandtheneweducationas"timeandenergy-wasting,"asystemwherebytheexploitingclasshad"thepeasantsasslavesfromgenerationtogeneration"undertheguiseof"loyaltytomasterandloveofcountry."Hewasnotthefirsttothinklikethis,buthewassurelyoneofthefirsttodosomethingaboutit.ThelaunchingofthePeasantSchoolbyP'engP'aiwasanentirelynewapproachtoruraleducation,motivatedbydirectexperienceinthevillagesthatotherleadersandreformerscouldnotmatch.Asforwhatheproposed,"thepeasantsapproved...theylikeditevenmore."ThepeasantsknewwhatwasbestfortheirchildrenandacceptedP'eng'snewplans,givingthelietothecommoncomplaintthat“illiteratepeasantsdonottakeschooleducationveryseriously."12"Templesandancestralhallswereusedapparentlywithoutdifficultyandruleswerelaiddown.TheUnionfound"inexpensiveteachers"and"theprovisionwasmadethatclasseswerefree,"althoughUnionpolicydemandedthatfundsweretocomefrom"thevillagewherethePeasantSchoolwassetup."Followingestablishedpractice,"educationfieldswererentedfromthelandlordinthenameoftheschool"andwerecultivatedbythepeasantsandtheirpupilchildren,assistedbytheUnion.TheUnionalsosuppliedfundsfor"seedsandfertilizer,whereastools,oxen,andlaborwereprovidedbythepupilstathersandbrothers,whosharedtheworkofplowing,breakingthesoil,andplanting."Atweedingtime,pupilswiththeirteacherswouldgetintothefieldsand(asonesourceputsit)"theweedsweresoongone."Harvesttimesawanothercommoneffort,andthenetincomeafterrentprovidedtheteachers'salaries.Ctp品论天涯网

彭湃却认为，无论旧教育还是新教育，都是“浪费时间和精力”的制度;剥削阶级借“忠君爱国”之名，使“农民世世代代做奴隶”。他并非第一个这样想的人，但无疑是最早付诸行动的人之一。他创办农民学校，为乡村教育开辟了全新的途径;其动力来自亲历乡村的经验，其他领袖和改革者无法相比。对他的提议，“农民赞成……他们更喜欢”。农民知道什么对自己的孩子最好，接受了彭湃的新计划，从而驳倒了那种常见抱怨：“不识字的农民不大重视学校教育。”寺庙和祠堂似乎毫无困难地被用作校舍，学校也订立了规则。农会找来“薪金低廉的教师”，并“规定上课免费”;不过农会的政策要求，经费应由“设立农民学校的村庄”提供。按既有惯例，“以学校名义向地主租教育田”，由农民和作为学生的子女耕种，农会协助。农会还提供“种子、肥料款，农具、耕牛和劳力则由学生的父兄提供，大家分担犁田、碎土和栽种”。除草时，学生和教师一同下田;据一份资料说，“草很快就除净了”。收获时又共同劳动，扣除田租后的净收入，用来支付教师薪金。Ctp品论天涯网

WithinamonththereweretenPeasantSchoolsopen,togetherwithmanynightschools,allofthemundertheguidanceandsupervisionoftheeducatondepartment.Allsought"toteachpeasantshowtokeepaccountssoasnottobecheatedbylandlords,howtowriteletters,usetheabacus,andwritethenamesoffoodstuffsandfarmtools,andhowtorunaPeasantUnion."Ctp品论天涯网

一个月内，已有十所农民学校开办，另有许多夜校，都受教育部指导和监督。它们都致力于“教农民记账，以免被地主欺骗;教写信、打算盘、写食品和农具的名称;教怎样办农会”。Ctp品论天涯网

P'engnotedhappilythat"over5oochildrenpreviouslyshutofffromeducationwerenowattendingclasses."Numberssoonrosedramatically,andP'engP'ainotifiedhisfriendLithatthemorethantwentyPeasantSchoolsoutnumberedtheschoolsrunbythecounty'sEducationBureau.'ThistypeofschoollaterbecameabasicfeatureoftheeducationsystemafteradoptionbythePeasantAssociationinCanton.MaoTse-tungin1927commendedthisvillageeducation:"Seehowthepeasants,whohithertodetestedtheschools,aretodayzealouslysettingupeveningclasses...whichtheycallPeasantSchools....Theyregardthem,andonlythem,astheirown."Ctp品论天涯网

彭湃高兴地说：“从前被挡在教育门外的五百多个孩子，如今都来上课了。”人数很快大增;他通知朋友李春涛，农民学校已超过二十所，比县教育局办的学校还多。这类学校后来被广州农民协会采用，成为教育制度的基本组成部分。1927年，毛泽东赞扬这种乡村教育：“试看从前痛恶学校的农民，如今热心地办起夜学……他们叫它农民学校……他们认为，只有这些才是自己的学校。”Ctp品论天涯网

Theagriculturaldepartment'svariousactivities,bycontrast,metwithlittlesuccess,forneithertheleadersnorthepeasantswere"agriculturalexperts."Besidesthis,thepeasantslackedinterest,sinceastenants"landwasnotsomethingoftheirown,andtheydidnotbothertousesufficientfertilizer...|becausejanyagriculturalimprovementswouldserveonlythelandlords."SotheU'nionmerelyendeavored"topromoteacommunalattitudeamongthepeasants."Itinitiatedatree-plantingscheme-mulberrytreesinparticular,sincesilkwasaworthwhilebusiness.Buteventhisdidnotsucceed,becausethepeasantswereafraidtobeleftwithoutriceforrent.Theheadofthesericulturedepartment,Ch'engShu-shun,decidedtoplantpinetreesinstead,andaforestwasdevelopedatthefootofYingp'ingshan."Agood,honestman"fromMeilung,agraduate'ssonwhowassympathetictowardtheU'nion,ChengeventuallybecamePrmcipaloftheProfessionalSchoolthatdevelopedoutofthesericulturedepartment.ThePeasantU'niontookuppromotionoftree-plantngbecauseofalawthatbroughtbarehills,onceplanted,intocommonownership.Thepeasantsnaturallywereagainstthe"towncapitalists"havinganyhandinthematter,but"theycouldnotdoitontheirown,"sotheUnionprovidedthecapitalforseedlhngsandUnionmembersthelabor:"Oncebegun,everyvillagethathadhillswelcomedtheU'nion'splantng."e:ThiswasthefirsttimethattheU'nionhadtakenoveragovernmentdutyatthecountylevel,actngonbehalfofallthepeasantsatthevillagelevel.Thepeasantsthuscameintotheirfirstpublicproperty,andthecommunalattitudetookshapeoneconomegrounds.Forallthis,ruralfairnessandaspirationsdemandedthat"whenprofitswereshown,thosewhohaddonetheworkwouldgetabiggershare."Therewasnohintofawishamongthepeasantsforthecommunalpossessionoflandorforequalsharingofreturnssuchassomeoftheirleaders—P'engP'aiforone-hadadvocatedinanarchocommunisttermstotallyforeigntothem.Ctp品论天涯网

相比之下，农业部的各种活动成效甚微，因为领袖和农民都不是“农业专家”。此外，农民也没有兴趣：作为佃农，“土地不是自己的东西，他们也不愿施足肥料……因为任何农业改良，都只会便宜地主”。因此，农会只是努力“促进农民的共同体意识”。它发起植树计划，尤其是种桑树，因为蚕丝是一门有收益的生意。但这也失败了，因为农民怕没有稻谷交租。蚕桑部负责人Ch'engShu-shun于是决定改种松树，在Yingp'ingshan山脚营造了一片林地。他来自梅陇，是一位功名士人的儿子，被称为“善良诚实的人”，同情农会，后来担任由蚕桑部发展而成的职业学校校长。农会提倡植树，是因为有一项法律规定，荒山一经植树，即归公共所有。农民自然不愿“城里的资本家”插手，但“他们自己又办不成”，于是农会提供购买树苗的资本，会员提供劳力。“开始以后，凡有山的村庄，都欢迎农会植树。”这是农会第一次在县一级承担政府职责，并在村一级代表全体农民行事。农民由此第一次拥有公共财产，共同体意识也开始形成经济基础。不过，乡村对公平的理解及其愿望，仍然要求“有利润时，出力的人应多分一些”。没有任何迹象显示，农民希望土地公有或收益均分;而他们的一些领袖，如彭湃，曾用农民完全陌生的无政府共产主义(克鲁泡特金是该理论的倡导者，他宣称他所想要达到的理想社会，就是没有任何权威的自由共产主义。这是一个自发建立起来的，以完全的自治权为基础的社会。而在这个社会里，在政治上，没有任何权威相适应，在经济上，实行一切财富的共产制度。——译者注)说法，倡导这些主张。Ctp品论天涯网

Eventheirengagementwiththelandlordsatthisstagewasconservative:"Asforreductionofrent,wewerepreparedtocarrythatoutafterfiveyearsoftraining.Itcouldnotbedoneatthemoment.Ctp品论天涯网

即使此时与地主交涉，他们也采取保守态度：“关于减租，我们准备经过五年的训练再实行。目前还做不到。”Ctp品论天涯网

TheU'nionwasthususurpinglocalorganizatonalpower,thettadtionalroleofthegentry,toadisturbingextent.Itsarbitrationdepartmentactuallytookoverseveralsuchroles:"thatofthevillagegentryasrepresentativesofvillagesintheircontactswiththegovernment,thatoflineageeldersasgobetweensinfamilysquabbles,andthatoftheyamenrunnersandcourtbailiffsininvestigatingandprosecutingcrimes."'ItwascommonknowledgethatinpublictrialsinHaifengmoneyhadthelastword,buteventherewithUnioncasesthejudgeswereverysusceptibletoUnionpressure.Thedepartmentdealtwithmanymarriagecases(almostathirdofitsbusiness),debtactions,landlord-tenantdisputes,contestedpropertydivisions,andmattersinvolvingsuperstitionsuchasfeng-shui.Therearenorecordsofhowcasesweredealtwithorwhatsanctionswereapplied,butitisprobablethatlongacquaintancewithTriadpracticesandcustomsacceptedbythe"villagegovernment"wouldencouragelitigantstoacceptanyUnionverdictasfinal.Ctp品论天涯网

因此，农会接管地方组织权力，也就是士绅的传统职责，已经到了令人不安的程度。它的仲裁部，实际上接管了多种职能：“乡绅代表村庄与政府接洽的职责，支族长老调解家庭争执的职责，以及衙役和法庭差役调查、追诉犯罪的职责。”众所周知，海丰公开审判时，金钱有最终发言权;但即便在那里，涉及农会的案件，法官也很容易受到农会压力的影响。仲裁部处理了许多婚姻案件，几乎占业务的三分之一，此外还有债务、地主与佃农争议、财产分割纠纷，以及风水等涉及迷信的事项。没有记录说明这些案件怎样处理、采用什么制裁，不过，很可能由于人们长期熟悉三合会的做法及“村庄政府”认可的习俗，诉讼双方愿意接受农会的裁决作为最终结论。Ctp品论天涯网

ThewelfareundertakingsoftheUnionwerethereforeverysubstantial,andtherapidsuccessesachievedpointtothewillingnessofthepeasantstobeorganizedandtotheirconcernfortheirownwell-being.TheUnionpathhadbeenrelativelysmoothuptonow,forithadtakenacautiouslineandstayedwithinthelaw.P'engwasabletocomment:"ThemantheninpowerinHaifeng,Ch'enChiung-ming'smosttrustedcountymagistrateWengKuei-ch'ing,didnotapproveofthePeasantUnion,buthedidnotbreakituporprohibitit,sowehadfreedomtoexpand."Itwas,inshort,arealwelfareorganization.Ctp品论天涯网

农会的福利事业因而十分可观，其迅速取得的成功，说明农民愿意组织起来，也关心自己的福祉。此前农会的道路相对平坦，因为它采取谨慎路线，在法律范围内行动。彭湃可以说：“当时海丰掌权的，是陈炯明最信任的县长翁贵清。他不赞成农会，但不解散，也不禁止，所以我们可以自由发展。”简言之，这确实是一个福利组织。Ctp品论天涯网

Bydevelopingsoquickly,theUnioncouldnotbutattractmuchpublicattention.Italsogainedconfidenceinitspowerandhadasealdesignedasasymbolofitsauthority.Thiswascircularinshape,"thepeasantsbeingafraidofthesquareseals,thatis,governmentseals...whichmeantofficialnoticetoexploit."ThewishforanauthorityofadifferenttypewasstrongwithintheU'mon,andthatcouldonlyarousehostilityamongthegentryandlandlords.ExenMagistrateWengfeltuneasyatthenewdevelopments,buthewassoongone.Ctp品论天涯网

农会发展如此迅速，必然引起广泛注意。它对自己的力量也越来越有信心，并设计了一枚印章作为权威的象征。印章是圆形的，因为“农民怕方印，也就是政府的印……那意味着官府来剥削的通知”。农会内部强烈希望建立一种不同的权威，这只能招致士绅和地主的敌意。连翁县长也对新的发展感到不安，不过他很快便离任了。Ctp品论天涯网

AsP'engP'aistated,theUnionintendedtotakeupthechallengeofthelandlordsandtostanduptothemfirst,thentodealwiththemagistrate'soffice.Thestrategywasthustobeginwiththeeconomicstruggle,proceedthroughsocialconfrontation,andfinallyenterintoapoliticalshowdown.Thatthegoalwassodistant,witheventhestartofrentreductionfiveyearsaway,showsacommendablematurtyandstatesmanshiponthepartoftheUnionanditsmembers."Alltheseactivitiesprosperedinanatmospherepeculiarlydevoidofhostility,"136sinceitwasaquestionofmoderateaims.Whatmatteredmosttothepeasantswasfaurnesswithintheexisuingsystem,fairnessandrespect:theywereparticularlyagainstthehumiliating"threeblowsofthestick."Ctp品论天涯网

按彭湃的说法，农会准备应对地主的挑战，先与他们抗衡，再对付县署。因此，其战略是从经济斗争开始，经过社会对抗，最终进入政治决战。目标定得如此长远，甚至减租都要五年后才开始，表明农会及其成员具有可嘉的成熟和政治判断力。“所有这些活动，都在一种异乎寻常地没有敌意的气氛中蓬勃展开”，因为它们的目标是温和的。农民最看重的，是现有制度内的公平，是公平与尊重;他们尤其反对那种羞辱人的“三下揩”。Ctp品论天涯网

As1922gavewayto1923theUnionhadeveryreasontofeelbuoyantandtocelebrate.TheChineseNewYearwasathandand"groupsofsingersandtroupesoflion-dancerscamefromeveryvillagewithcongratulations."February16,1923—NewYear'sDay—witnessedapersonaltriumphforP'engP'ai,ashis"Te-ch'ü"villawasthrongedwithpeasantspayinghimtheirrespects,accordingtocustom,astoagreatbenefactor.TheunexpecteddemonstrationmayalsohavebeenbehindhisideafortheUniontoorganizea"Peasants'NewYearCelebration."ThiswasheldonMarch3,outsidetheUnionheadquartersinCh'iao-tung-she.Itwasamammothcelebrationattendedby"over6,00omembersand3,000nonmembers,"thefirstgreatgatheringofUnionpeasantsinHaifeng.Theproceedingsincludedanopeningaddress,speeches,songsandmusic,alion-dance,firecrackers,andcheering—allthefeaturesofaformerFlaggathering.P'engP'aiasUnionchairman,Vice-ChairmanYangCh'i-shan,andthechairmanofthefirstPeasantUnioninCh'ihshan,HuangFeng-lin,werethemainspeakers.Intheiraddressestheyreferredtoanominous"revolution"(ke-ming),beforewhosearrival"noyearwillbeahappyonefortheproletarianmasses."Theyhammeredhomethetactthat"NewYear'sDayisthedayforexploiterstoexactdebts."Thusanoccasionforrejoicingwasputtoworkforpropaganda:"Thisissimplyachancetoletourenemiesseehowmanyweare."Ifthatwasindeedtheamtheyhadgreatsuccess;eventheHongKongHuatzujih-pao(ChineseDaily)tooknote,reportingthatinadditiontothespeechesthepropagandadepartmentputonavernacularpeasantplayentitledTuoPecksofRent,which"drewloudapplausefromthesorrowfulandangryaudience."Anundertoneofrevengemarkedthecelebration,whichwasseenasanopportunity"torouseourrevolutionaryspirit,topreparedeathforourenemies"—saber-rattlingcommontoFlaggatherings.TherealsignificanceofthecelebrationwasthattheUnion,byorganizingafestivalinthefirstplace,hadonceagaunusurpedtheprerogativesoftheauthorities.Ctp品论天涯网

1922年转入1923年，农会完全有理由振奋和庆祝。春节将至，“每个村都来了歌唱队和舞狮队道贺”。1923年2月16日，即大年初一，是彭湃个人的一次胜利：农民挤满他的“得趣”别墅，按习俗向一位大恩人致敬。这场意外的致敬，或许也促成了他让农会举办“农民新年庆祝会”的想法。庆祝会于3月3日在桥东社农会会址外举行，规模盛大，有“六千多名会员和三千名非会员”参加，是海丰农会农民的第一次大型聚会。活动包括开幕词、演讲、歌唱和音乐、舞狮、鞭炮与欢呼，过去旗组织集会的各项内容都齐备了。农会会长彭湃、副会长杨其珊，以及赤山第一个农会的会长黄凤麟，是主要讲员。他们的讲话提到带有威胁意味的“革命”：在它到来之前，“无产群众没有一年是快乐的”。他们反复强调：“过年就是剥削者逼债的日子。”于是，喜庆场合被用来宣传：“这不过是让敌人看看我们有多少人的机会。”如果目标确实如此，他们便大获成功。连香港《华字日报》也注意到了，报道说，除了演讲，宣传部还演出方言农民剧《两斗租》，使“悲愤的观众热烈鼓掌”。庆典带有复仇的潜在意味，被视为“唤起革命精神，为敌人准备死亡”的机会——这正是旗组织集会常见的武力恫吓。庆祝会真正的重要性，在于农会通过组织节庆，再一次接管了当局的特权。Ctp品论天涯网

"Over2,ooopeoplejoinedthePeasantUnionthatday,andafterwardtherewerestillahundredjoiningdaily."Thiscreatedtrainingandpreparationproblems:themembershipchartstillshowedfewerthan1o,ooo,but"theU'nionwasalwaysbehindscheduleininterviewingnewmembers."Itsheadquartersbecamelikeapeasants'yamen,orashadowgovernment:"Aboutzoopeasantscameeverydaytoaskquestions,sitandtalk,orjoin,[sothat|thingswerereallybusy."Ch'enChiung-minghadheardoftheUnion'sstrengthandsuccesses,andinearlyJanuaryhadpassedthroughHaifengonhiswaytoHongKong.Hetooknomeasuresagainstit,however,forhewashimselfinadelicatepoliticalpositionfollowinghiswithdrawalfromCanton.Ctp品论天涯网

“当天有两千多人加入农会，此后每天仍有一百人入会。”这带来了训练和筹备问题：会员表上仍不到一万人，但“农会总是来不及面谈新会员”。会址变得像农民的衙门，或一个影子政府：“每天约有两百个农民来问事、坐谈或入会，所以实在忙。”陈炯明听说了农会的力量和成就，且在一月初前往香港途中经过海丰，但没有采取任何反对措施，因为他从广州撤退以后，自己的政治处境也很微妙。Ctp品论天涯网

WhateverCh'en'ssympathieswere,thelocaloldgentryandlandlordsweredefinitelyhostiletotheUnion.Theyhadneverreallytakenmuchtothenewgentry,andthenewcomradeswiththeirextremistutterancesandboldactionswereevenmoreathornintheirfleshnowthatthepoliticalsituationwasprecarious.P'engP'ai'soldfoeCh'enYüeh-po"hadplanstoeliminatethePeasantUnion,claimingthatitwasworkingtowardcommunalwivesandproperty."HehadbeensuccessfulwiththesechargestheyearbeforeoverP'eng'shandlingoftheBureauofEducation,buthefailedtorealizethatcircumstanceshadchangedinthemeantime.WhenheaskedGeneralChungChing-t'angtousehistroopstobreakuptheUnion,theGeneralpointedoutthathistroopswerealreadydemoralizedafterlosingabattleandthattheirfire"wouldnotbeenoughtolightthepeasants'cigarettes."ThepoliticalsituationinHaifengwassotenseandmilitarypowersounsurethatmanygentrylandlordshadalreadyfledtoHongKongandmoreweremakingsimilarplans.AKwangtungArmyofficerreturningtohisnativevillageinMeilungdistrictnoticed"aslackeningofbusinessandageneralunease."AlloldCh'enYüeh-pocouldhopeforwasamiracle;"hewashighlysuperstitious,prayingtospiritsandBuddhaseverydayforthedisappearanceoftheUnion."P'engP'ainotedwithpleasurethefutilityofhisefforts.Ctp品论天涯网

无论陈炯明心里同情谁，当地旧士绅和地主却明确敌视农会。他们本来就不大喜欢新士绅;如今政治局势不稳，那些言辞激烈、行动大胆的新同志，更成了他们的眼中钉。彭湃的老对头陈月波“打算消灭农会，声称它要实行共妻共产”。前一年，针对彭湃主持教育局的工作，他曾凭同样指控得逞，却没有意识到情形已经改变。他请钟景棠将军出兵解散农会，将军却指出，部队刚打了败仗，士气低落，枪火“连替农民点烟都不够”。海丰政治形势紧张，军事力量又不可靠，许多士绅地主已经逃往香港，更多人也在作同样打算。一位返回梅陇家乡的粤军军官注意到，“商业萧条，人心普遍不安”。老陈月波只能指望奇迹：“他十分迷信，每天向神佛祈求农会消失。”彭湃乐于看到他的努力徒劳无功。Ctp品论天涯网

Suchwastheatmosphereandthedispositionofstrengthsasthefirstconflictbetweenlandlordsandpeasantsapproached.ThisincidentmarkedthestartofUnion-sponsoredpeasantrebellioninanorganizedandmodernform.Itsrootswereinaconcernforsocialjusticeratherthananypoliticalaims—afactthatshouldbenoted,forthisconstitutedthebasicpatternoffuturedevelopmentsinthenationwidestruggle,despitealltheideologicalmotivationsthatwouldberaisedbythePeasantAssociationpropagandaandalltherevolutionaryintentionsoftheurbanleadership.Ctp品论天涯网

地主与农民第一次冲突迫近时，气氛和力量配置就是如此。这一事件，标志着农会主持的农民反抗，开始采取有组织的现代形式。它的根源在于对社会正义的关切，而非任何政治目标。这一点应当留意，因为此后全国性斗争的发展，尽管有农民协会宣传所提出的种种意识形态动机，也有城市领导层的种种革命意图，其基本模式仍然如此。Ctp品论天涯网

TowardtheendofMarch1923,"acertainChuMo,afoullandlordalwaysongoodtermswithofficialsandenjoyingsubstantialinfluence,"wantedtoincreasetherentonsome3omouoflandcultivatedbyYüK'unandfiveothertenants.Thetenancywasofthefen-chihtype,andforthisreasontherent,unlessinarrears,waspeggedtoalowfigure.ThefieldswereinHuangnitangvillageinthedistrictofKungp'ing.Thelandlord'sdemand"wassounreasonablethattheyignoredit."Atthis,ChuMoinstructedhisunderlingstoharassthefamiliesofthoseconcerned.YüK'unreferredthemattertothePeasantUnion,whichacceptedthecase."Angrierstill,"Chudemandedallthelandback,knowingfullwellthatiftheyhandedovertheirland"nooneintheneighborhood,nomatterwhatkindofpeasant,woulddaretofarmit."Thetenantsindeed"handedoverthefullamount,"onlvtobechargedincourtthenextdaywith"destructionoflandlord'sproperty.'Themagistrateinthatdivisionofthecourt,ChangTse-p'u(aformerschoolmateofP'engP'ai),sentthreeconstablestoservethesummons,andthevillagers,behindlockeddoors,were"soscaredthatthepolicewerelikefoxespretendingtobetigers."Theconstablestriedtoextortfromthesixpeasants"Y6forshoeleather,Y2forlodgingexpenses,andanounceofsilverorfourMexicandollarsasasummonsfee."Thevictimscouldnotpay,weretakentoKungp'ingmarket,andhadtheirclothespawnedtoprovideteamoneyforthepolice.YüK'unhadtoaskamerchanttobehisguarantorandbailhimout;"onlythenwashereleased."4!Theincident,initselfnotspectacularoroutoftheordinary,becameacausecélèbre,foritwasthefirstgreatcourtcasethePeasantUniontookupanditsplitthewholeofHaifengintotwocamps.InopencourtthemagistratecriticizedChuforbringing"afalseaccusation,therebeingnoevidence."Chuwas"speechless"andofferedtoprovideproof"nexttime."Hewasquicktoinformhisfellowlandlordsofthedecision:"Nolandlordhaseveitakenapeasanttocourtandlost,butIhavejustdoneso."Hewarnedthat"ifwedonotactsoontoclosedowntheUnion,therewillreallybeacrisis."Ctp品论天涯网

1923年三月底，“一个叫朱墨的恶地主，一向与官府关系很好，颇有势力”，想给余坤和另外五名佃农耕种的约30亩地加租。这些田地采用粪契，因此只要不欠租，租额就固定在较低水平。田在公平区黄泥塘村。地主的要求“太不合理，他们没有理会”。于是，朱墨命手下骚扰有关家庭。余坤把事情交给农会，农会受理了。“更加愤怒”的朱墨要求收回全部田地，明知他们一旦交田，“附近不论哪一种农民，都不敢再种”。佃农确实“把全部田地交还”，第二天却被告上法庭，罪名是“毁坏地主财产”。负责该庭的审判官张泽浦，是彭湃的旧同学，派出三名警察送传票。村民紧闭门户，“怕得厉害，警察像狐假虎威一般”。警察向六名农民勒索“六元鞋钱、二元住宿费，以及一盎司银子或四块墨西哥银元的传票费”。他们无钱可付，被带到公平市场，衣服也被典当，用来给警察付茶钱。余坤只好请一名商人担保、把他保释，“这才获释”。事情本身既不惊人，也非异乎寻常，却成为轰动一时的案件，因为这是农会承办的第一宗大案，并使整个海丰分成两大阵营。公开审判时，审判官批评朱墨“诬告，毫无证据”。朱墨“无话可说”，表示“下次”再提供证据。他立即把结果告诉其他地主：“从来没有地主告农民而败诉，如今我却输了。”他警告说，“如果不赶快采取行动关闭农会，真会出大危机”。Ctp品论天涯网

Ch'enYüeh-po,stillsmartingfromhisrebuffatthehandsofGeneralChungChing-t'ang,ledthecalltoactionandconvened"afeast"attendedbysome5oopeople,amongthemCh'enKai-t'ingandthecommissioneroflocalsecurity.P'engwroteasatiricaldescriptionofthegentlemenatthemeetingintheirexpensivemodernattire.ChairmanCh'enYüeh-po"announcedthePeasantUnion'scriminalrecord:workingforcommunalwivesandproperty,bribingjudges,andbullyinglandlords."InhisaddressCh'enalsodescribedP'engP'aias"aworm"feedingonincitenentoftheignorantpeasantsandconcoctingdeviousschemestothreatenthepropertyoflandlords,who"spendmoneyonlandandpaytaxestothegovernment."Hecontinued:"Itisaruleofheavenandaprincipleonearththatpropertyisfortheownerstoadminister."Ch'enthenhintedstronglytothenewgentryandallthosewithsocialistleaningsthat"anyinjurytouspropertyowners"wouldendangertheirownchancesofgovernment,sinceifnotaxeswerecollectedthegovernmentwouldloseeconomicviabilityandthepeasants"wouldbeabletorebelatwill."Tothisexpositionoftherationalebehindtheoldorder"everyoneclappedinagreement."Butthemeetingsawthatnakedforceonitsownwouldnotwork.ThenewgentrycouldnotbecountedonandCh'enChiung-mingwasinenoughdifficulties.ItwasCh'en'sformerteacherWangTso-hsinwhoproposedthattheyshouldfightfirewithfire:"SincethepeasantshaveaPeasantUnion,wepropertyownersmustalsouniteinasocietytocounterit."ThesuggestionwasimmediatelysecondedbyChuMo,whocalledfora"LandlordSociety."Showingmorepoliticalfinesse,Ch'enYüeh-popointedoutthatsuchatitlewouldnotsufficientlyinvolvethegovernment;headvocatedthename"SocietytoGuaranteeTaxationandProduction,"aproposalthatmetwithunanimousapproval.ThethreebigmeninHaifeng—Ch'enYüeh-po,WangTso-hsin,andCh'enK'ai-t'ing—wereelectedofficers,"withtheconstitutiontobedraftedbythechairman."Ctp品论天涯网

陈月波仍因钟景棠将军的拒绝而耿耿于怀，便带头号召行动，召集一次“宴会”，约有五百人参加，包括陈开庭和地方保卫局长。彭湃讽刺地描写了到会绅士们身上昂贵的新式服装。主席陈月波“宣布农会的罪状：主张共妻共产，贿赂法官，欺压地主”。他还在讲话中把彭湃形容为“一条虫”，靠煽动无知农民而活，设计阴谋，威胁地主的财产;地主则“出钱买田，向政府纳税”。他继续说：“财产由主人管理，是天经地义的道理。”接着，陈月波向新士绅及一切倾向社会主义的人作出强烈暗示：“对我们业主的任何伤害”，都会危及他们自己执政的机会，因为若税收无法征集，政府便失去经济基础，农民也就“可以随意造反”。对于这番阐述旧秩序依据的话，“人人鼓掌赞成”。但会议也看到，单凭赤裸裸的武力行不通。新士绅靠不住，陈炯明又已困难重重。陈炯明以前的老师王作新提出，要以其人之道还治其人之身：“农民既有农会，我们业主也必须联合成会，与它对抗。”朱墨立即附议，要求成立“地主会”。陈月波更有政治手腕，指出这样的名称不能充分牵涉政府，主张叫“保税保产会”，获得一致通过。海丰三个大人物——陈月波、王作新、陈开庭——当选负责人，“章程由主席起草”。Ctp品论天涯网

ThenewcountymagistrateLüT’ieh-ts'o,"aneviloldmemberofthegentrywhoopposedtheUnioninhisheart,"thoughtitbesttoremainalooffromtheconflict.NordidtheCommander'sOfficeintervene,becausetherewerefearsthatthepeasantsmightriseupenmasse.Indeed,thepeasantssoontooktocallingthelandlords'group"theSocietyoftheThreeBig-stickBlows,"44andP'engP'ainamedit"theSocietyofOldRent-CollectorsWor-thyofBeingBeheaded."'Ctp品论天涯网

新任县长吕铁槎，“一个内心反对农会的恶劣老士绅”，认为最好置身冲突之外。督军府也没有干预，因为担心农民大举起事。实际上，农民很快就把地主的组织叫作“三大棒会”，彭湃则称之为“该杀头的老收租人会”。Ctp品论天涯网

WhatP'enghadarguedforwiththepeasantsprovedcorrect:inunitywasstrength.Butmoney,too,meantpower,andthelandlordsherewereatagreatadvantage.Ch'enYüeh-poworkedoutthatfromroo,ooopiculsofrentaroundthecountycapitalalone,alevyofoneyüanperpiculwouldsecute"atleast￥1oo,ooo,"and"wecanusethatmoneytoburythem."ThePeasantUnionforitspartrealizedthat"Unionduesshouldbeincreased."Ch'enK'ai-t'ingopenedtheconflictwithabroadsideagainstChangTse-p'u,thejudgewho"takesPeasantU'nionbribes."Heproposedthatthewholebodyofsnubbedlandlordsshouldconfronthimandcompelhmtouprisonthepeasants,"orelseweshallgivehimwhathedeserves."TheHaifenggrandeesmarched"insinglefiletothecourthouse,"effectivelyintimidatingJudgeChang.Ch'encursedhimandorderedhim"toputthepeasantsinjailimmediately,"andChangagreedtoreopenthetrial.Thesixpeasantswereagainsummoned,andameetingofthePeasantUnionexecutiveboarddecidedtoletthedefendantsgotocourtaccompaniedbyasmanyUnionstaffaspossible(thisbeingacivilsuit,detentionoftheaccusedpriortotheverdictwasruledout).Theothercampwasalsomakingcontingencyplans.Apeasantreportedthelandlordstohave"overahundredhooliganslyinginambushattheeastandnorthgatesofthetown,"adding"ifyougointotown,youwillgethurt."AUnionspywassenttocheck.ThestagemighthavebeensetforanoldFlagbattleWhenthetrialbegan,thesixpeasantsfoundthemselvesfacingsomeeightylandlordsinthecourtroom.Underthispressure,JudgeChang"simplyinstructedtheguardstothrowthepeasantsinjail,handcuffedandchained."Ctp品论天涯网

彭湃向农民说的道理得到证明：团结就是力量。但金钱同样意味着权力，在这方面，地主占有巨大优势。陈月波算出，仅县城周围便有100,000担租谷，每担征一元，就能得到“至少十万元”，“我们可以拿这笔钱埋葬他们”。农会则认识到，“应该增加会费”。陈开庭率先开火，攻击“收农会贿赂”的法官张泽浦。他提议，所有受到冷落的地主一起去找张，逼他把农民关进监狱，“否则就给他应得的报应”。海丰大人物们“鱼贯来到法院”，有效地威吓了张法官。陈开庭骂他，命他“立刻把农民关起来”，张便同意重审。六名农民再次被传唤，农会执行委员会开会决定，让被告上庭，并由尽可能多的农会工作人员陪同;因为是民事诉讼，判决之前不能拘押被告。另一阵营也在作应变准备。一名农民报告说，地主在“城东门和北门埋伏了一百多个流氓”，并补充：“进城就要受伤。”农会派密探核实。一场旧式旗组织械斗，似乎即将上演。开庭时，六名农民发现，自己在法庭上面对约八十名地主。在这种压力下，张法官“只命卫兵把农民铐起来，戴上脚镣，扔进监狱”。Ctp品论天涯网

Thisillegaltreatmentby"amanoflawbreakingthelaw"gavetheUnionitsgreatestopportunityyet,leavingthepeople"compelledtoresorttoforce."Unionleaderssetaboutpresentingthewholeregimeasafraud,calledanemergencymeeting,andsentoutwordtomobilizeforthenextday.Itwasdecidedtousethesametacticsastheenemyhademployed:thepeasantswouldpetitionthecourtandintimidatethejudgeinthenameofjustice."Fortypeasantsweresentout.Theyspreadoutalongthefourroads,north,south,east,andwest,andinformedeveryvillagecomradeofthenextday's10A.M.assemblyatLung-she-p'u.'Ctp品论天涯网

这种“执法者违法”的非法待遇，给了农会迄今最大的机会，使人们“不得不诉诸武力”。农会领袖开始揭露整个政权的虚伪，召开紧急会议，发出通知，动员翌日行动。他们决定采用敌人用过的同一战术：农民向法院请愿，以正义之名威吓法官。“派出四十个农民，分走东、西、南、北四条路，通知各村同志，明日上午十点在龙舌埔集合。”Ctp品论天涯网

P'engP'airejoicedthenextdaywhenhesawmorethan6,ooopeasantsassembled.Hetookcommandandaddressedthecrowd."Ourpeasantfriendsareinnocent;thejudgehasbrokenthelaw.ThisisnomerepersonalmatterofYüK'unalone,butoneforourpeasantclass....Inthisvitalcrisis,weaskeverymantogoandpetition.Iamwithyouinlifeanddeath."Nooneneededpersuadingoftheissueatstake,forP'engmadeitelear:"IfYüK'unloses,100,00opeasantsalllose.IfYüK'unwins,100,00opeasantswin."AfterP'eng,thechairmanoftheCh’ihshanPeasantUnionalsospoke:"Their1oo,oooyüan,evenwereitmillions,isnothingtobefeared,becausetherentisingrainandthegrainisinourpeasanthouses,notintheirhouses."Theprospectofaviolentconfrontationwiththelandlordsexcitedtheapplaudingerowd,andHuangFenglinwentoverintoFlaglanguage:"Ihopenobrotherwillallowhimselftobefrightened.Thislittlebrotherofyourshashisownstrategy...."Intheeventofwar,thepeasantsweretodestroyalltheboundarymarks,leavingthelandlordstofighteachotherovertheirproperty."Everyonecheeredwithdelight."Theatmospherewasoneofunity,power,andjubilation.P'engannounced:"OurUnionhasrice-soupreadyforover6,ooo."'+If"Flag"hadreplaced"Union,"thenthecallforafighttothedeath,thestrategy,thecommonmeals,andthemobilizationwouldhavebeenthesame.Thereisnoreferencetothecarryingofarms,butitisunhikelythatpeasantswouldgobarehanded,especiallywithhoodlumswaitingforthem.Ch'enChiung-minglaterspokeofrevolversbeingborrowedfortheactionofforciblyreleasingcriminals,buttheaccuracyofthereportsreachinghimisopentoquestion.'Ctp品论天涯网

翌日，看到六千多农民集合，彭湃十分高兴。他接过指挥，向群众讲话：“我们的农民朋友无罪，法官违法了。这不是余坤一个人的私事，而是我们农民阶级的事……在这生死关头，请大家都去请愿。我与你们同生共死。”事情关系到什么，无须再劝说，因为彭湃说得明白：“余坤输，十万农民都输;余坤赢，十万农民都赢。”随后，赤山农会会长也讲话：“他们的十万元，就是几百万元，也不必怕;因为租是谷，谷在我们农民家里，不在他们家里。”与地主暴力对抗的前景，使鼓掌的群众兴奋起来，黄凤麟也转而使用旗组织的语言：“希望没有一个兄弟害怕。小弟自有计策……”如果开战，农民就毁掉所有田界，让地主为自己的田产互相争斗。“人人欢喜喝彩。”现场充满团结、力量和欢腾。彭湃宣布：“我们农会已备好六千多人的米汤。”如果把“农会”换成“旗”，那么拼死一战的号召、战术、共同吃饭和动员方式，都与过去相同。记述没有提到携带武器，但农民不大可能空手前去，尤其还有流氓等着他们。陈炯明后来谈到，有人为强行释放罪犯的行动借了左轮手枪，但传到他那里消息是否准确，仍有疑问。Ctp品论天涯网

Flagsinhandandpostersandplacardsheldhigh,thecrowdwentofffromLung-she-p'uunderthecontrolofUnionpicketsandshoutingslogans.Ontheirapproach,shopkeepersclosedandbarredtheirdoorsfromfear.ThistimeitwasnolongerabunchofschoolboysthatP'engwasleadingalongthestreetsofHaifeng:themarchersweregrimandresolute.Arepresentativesentbythejudgetodiscussmatterswasignored,andthecrowdchargedthroughacordonofrangersaroundthecourthouse,thetroops"notdaringtofire."Behindhisbolteddoors,ChangTse-p'upermittedtwentypeasantrepresentativestoapproach.Theirpetitionsoughtfreedomforthedetainedpeasants,whoweretobeescortedoutwithdrumsandfirecrackersandafullapologyfromthemagistrate.ChangappealedtohisfriendshipwithP'eng,buttheUnionleaderwouldhavenoneofit:"Therecanbenotalkoffriendshiptoday.Iamhereasapeasantrepresentative."Changwasassuredthatthepeasantshadnointentionofstormingthejail"Thatisnotouridea."Theywantedjusticeonly,and"Changhadnoalternativebuttoreleasetheprisoners."Thereuponshoutsof"Longlivethepeasants!Downwiththelandlords!"shookthewholetown.Thetreedpeasantswereliftedshoulder-highandparadedaroundliketrophies.Thenthecrowdmoveddownthemainstreetinheavyrain,thepeasants"cheeringallthemoreattheresponsefromheaven."Atthestreetcorners,waitingstudentsunfurledanotherredbanner:"Welcometothepeasantsfreedfromjail."Firecrackersspatteredintheair,andaresoundingvictorywasrecorded.Ctp品论天涯网

群众手持旗帜，高举海报和标语牌，在农会纠察队控制下，高喊口号，从龙舌埔出发。他们接近时，店主因害怕而关门上闩。这一次，彭湃带领着走上海丰街道的，不再是一群学生，游行者神情严峻、意志坚决。法官派来商谈的代表，没有得到理会;群众冲过法院周围巡防队的警戒线，士兵“不敢开枪”。张泽浦躲在上了闩的门后，允许二十名农民代表前来。请愿要求释放被拘农民，以锣鼓和鞭炮送他们出来，并由县官正式赔礼。张以自己与彭湃的交情相劝，农会领袖却不接受：“今天不能谈交情。我是作为农民代表来的。”农民也向张保证，无意冲击监狱：“那不是我们的意思。”他们只要公道，“张没有别的办法，只好放人”。于是，“农民万岁!打倒地主!”的呼声震动全城。获释农民被举到肩头，像战利品一样游街。随后群众在大雨中走过大街，“天公响应，他们反而更加欢呼”。等在街角的学生展开另一面红旗：“欢迎出狱农民。”鞭炮在空中炸响，一场响亮的胜利就此取得。Ctp品论天涯网

UnionsuccesshadreachedapeakandP'engwaseagertocapitalizeonit?Atheadquartersheaddressedhisfollowersinfamiliardialoguefashion.Ctp品论天涯网

农会的成功达到高峰，彭湃急于把握这一成果。他在会址用熟悉的问答方式，向追随者讲话。Ctp品论天涯网

"Todaywehavebeenabletofreesixpeasantsfromjail.Iaskyoubywhatpower?"TheaudiencerespondedthatP'engP'ai,theUnion,andthefarmingcomradeshadsavedtheday.P'engthendismissedtheideaofanyper.sonalmeritas"acolossalmistake,"anddeclaredthatneithertheUnionnorthecomradescouldhavefrightenedtheofficialsintoaction.Thecorrectanswerwasthat"theUnioncouldshowsixorseventhousandpeasantshowtouniteinoneplaceandacttogether."T'herecipeforpresentandfuturesuc-cesswasfor"allofustotryforgreaterunity,toincreaseandexpandourinfluence."Afterthis,moreandmorepeasantsregardedtheUnionas"anorganizationrepresentingthepeasants'strugglefortheirowninterests.'TheneedforprotectionwasevidentlyakeyfactorinattractingpeasantstotheUnion,foreverytimeavictorywasscored,enrollmentshotup.'Ctp品论天涯网

“今天我们能从监狱里救出六个农民，我问你们，靠的是什么力量?”听众回答，是彭湃、农会和农民同志救了大家。彭湃随即说，把功劳归于个人是“极大的错误”，并宣称，农会或同志本身，都不能把官员吓得行动。正确答案是：“农会能够使六七千农民懂得在一个地方团结起来，共同行动。”现在与未来成功的办法，就是“大家力求更加团结，增加和扩大我们的影响”。此后，越来越多农民把农会看作“代表农民为自身利益斗争的组织”。保护的需要，显然是吸引农民入会的关键因素，因为每获得一次胜利，会员人数就猛增。Ctp品论天涯网

ThisgreatUnionsuccess(describedwithrelishbyP'engP'ai),thoughundoubtedlycoloredinthetellingbyPeng'sdidacticpurpose,seemsfullybe.lievable.Theformulaofmassiveparadesprovedsuccessful,andwasimmediatelytakenupforMayDay.RepresentativesofHaifeng,Lufeng,andKueishan(inall8,ooopeasants),10oboatbuildersfromSwabue,and1,000studentsmetonthatdayatthevegetablemarketforagreatcommemorativerallyandparade.A"MayDayDeclaration"and"ReportontheLaborandPeasantDay"expressedthepeasants'determinationtofightfortheirrights--thoughnavocabularyredolentofMarxistjargonfamiliartotheintellectualswhodraftedthedocumentsbutcertainlynottothepeasantswhosignedthem.'Theterm"class"occursmorefrequentlynowinthetextofP'engP'ai's"Report,"statingthat"peasanthostilitytothelandlordclasswasintense."P'engP'aiwasdefinitelythinkingalongtheselines,ashiscorrespondencewithLiCh'un-t'aoshows,butforthepeasants"class"hadonlyavaguemeaningoftheenemyintheothercamp.TheMayDay"Report"claimsnofewerthan1o,oootakingpartintherally.Attheheadoftheparadealargeredbannerheldbypeasantsannounced:"TheGreatParadeinCommemorationofLaborDay."ThiswasfollowedbytheflagofthePeasantUnionandmanyotherbannersinscribednotonlywithslogansagainstrentextortionbutalsowithsuchslogansas"DownwithInternationalCapitalism,""DownwiththeWarlords,"and"LetUsGoRed."Ctp品论天涯网

彭湃津津有味地描述了农会这场大胜;虽然叙述无疑受他的教育目的影响，但看来完全可信。大规模游行这一办法证明有效，随即被用于五一劳动节。那一天，海丰、陆丰和归善的代表，共八千农民，连同汕尾一百名造船工和一千名学生，在菜市场举行盛大纪念集会与游行。《五一宣言》和《劳动农民节报告》表达了农民为权利而斗争的决心——不过，它们使用的词汇，充满起草文件的知识分子熟悉的马克思主义术语，签名的农民却肯定不熟悉。如今，“阶级”一词更频繁地出现在彭湃《报告》中，其中写道：“农民对地主阶级的敌意很强。”从与李春涛的通信可以看出，彭湃确实沿着这一思路思考;但对农民而言，“阶级”只模糊地意指另一阵营的敌人。五一《报告》声称，到会者不少于一万人。游行最前方，农民举着一面大红旗，上写“劳动节纪念大游行”;后面是农会旗和许多其他旗帜，不仅写着反对苛租的口号，还有“打倒国际资本主义”“打倒军阀”“我们要赤化”等口号。Ctp品论天涯网

ImmediatelyaftertheestablishmentoftheHaifengGeneralU'nion,PeasantUnionswerealsofoundedinLufengandKueishan.Unionprestigespreadtoalltheneighboringcounties.Crowdsofapplicantswereturnungup,but“itwasimpossibletoenrollthemall."Itcannotbesaidtooemphatically,however,thatpeasantaimsremainedpredominantinthisrapidexpansionoftheUnion.If"newpeasantmembersdailyincreased,"itwasonlybecausetheysawintheUnionthepromotionoftheirowninterests.TheHaifengGeneralUnionreorganizeditselfintotheHuichouAssociatedPeasantUnion,andeachcountysetupitsAssociatedUnionbranch.However,asP'engP'aitoldLi,inHuiyangthewarwasinprogress,whichruledoutfurtheradvancesthere;UnionorganizersconsequentlypushedtowardTzuchincounty,whereanewUnionwasestablished.ByMarch1923,theUnionhadexpandedintoTzuchin,Ch'aochou,P'uning,andHuilai.BythesummerthereexistedaKwangtungProvincialPeasantUnion,withabranchinnearlyeverycountyoftheEastRiverarea.Ctp品论天涯网

海丰总会成立后，陆丰和归善也立即成立农会。农会的威望传遍邻县，申请入会的人群纷纷到来，但“无法全部接收”。不过，无论怎样强调都不为过：农会迅速扩展的过程中，农民的目标仍占主导。如果“每天都有新农民入会”，只是因为他们看见农会促进自己的利益。海丰总会改组为惠州农民联合会，各县设联合会分会。然而，正如彭湃告诉李春涛的，惠阳正在打仗，无法继续发展;组织者遂转向紫金，在那里成立新农会。到1923年三月，农会已扩展至紫金、潮州、普宁和惠来。夏季时，广东省农会已经存在，东江地区几乎每县都有分会。Ctp品论天涯网

ItwasatthispointthatCh'enChiung-mingsoughttobringtheUnionunderhisaegis.ChungHsiu-nantoldhim:"P'engP'ainowhasover2oo,ooosupportersandisevenmorepowerfulthanyou."T'heseinflatedfiguresweregivenbyP'engP'aialsotoLi,whenhereportedonMayDaythat"thePeasantUnionhasalreadymorethan70districts,50ovillages,and200,000members."Ch'enwroteinvitingP'engtoHongKong,andinJunehewent.TherehewasgivenY1oofromCh'en'sdwindlingfundsandapromiseofsupport:"WhenIreturntoHaifengIwilldefinitelyreducerents.Youmaycarryon."P'engmadethemostofthiscommitmentbyCh'en,whothus"acknowledgedtheUnion,"eventhoughitwasmorebecausethepoliticalsituationwasnotgoingwellforhimthanbecauseof"hisrealfeelings."Ch'enforhispartcametoadmitthatheneededtheUnion'ssupport.'Ctp品论天涯网

就在此时，陈炯明试图把农会纳入自己的羽翼之下。钟秀南告诉他：“彭湃现在有二十多万人拥护，比你还强。”彭湃也把这些夸大的数字告诉李春涛;五一时，他报告“农会已有七十多个区、五百个村、二十多万会员”。陈来信邀他去香港，他在六月前往。在那里，陈从日益减少的经费中给了他100元，并许诺支持：“我回海丰，一定减租。你可以继续干。”彭湃充分利用了这一承诺;陈由此“承认农会”，尽管主要是因为政治形势不利于自己，而非“真心如此”。陈也逐渐承认，自己需要农会的支持。Ctp品论天涯网

TheKwangtungArmy,reducedinnumberssincesomeregimentschosetostaybehindinCanton,hadmovedtoEastKwangtungandwasdividedintotwocommands:theKwangtunggeneralheadquartersinHuichouandtheCh'ao-MeiheadquartersinSwatow.KwangtunghadswitcheditsallegianceonceagaintoSun,andHuHan-minwasCivilGovernor.TheKwangtungArmywasinastateofdecay,andwaslittlemorethananamalgamofpersonalandlocalinterests.LoyaltytoCh'enheldittogether,butCh'enwasunabletoprovideitwithaclearpolicyandaim.Anearlyrecruitwhoremainedfaithfultotheend,Ch'iuKuo-chen,notedthat"therewerenoidealsworthfightingfor."Ch'enmadenoattempttoconvincehismenofthevalueofhisfederalistnotions,andbattleswerefoughtandwonorlostwithoutthesoldiersunderstandingthesignificanceofthem.Promotionsweremadewithoutsystem,nepotismandlocalismgenerallydetermniningmatters,sothattherewasmuchdiscontent.OncetheprideofHai-Lu-feng,theArmywasnowpartofthemachineryofoppressionagainstthelowly.T'hesoldierswhoreturnedtoHaifengin1923behaveddifferently,exactingcashandprovisionssincetheywerepaidonlyafractionoftheirformersalary.'"Writingthatsummer,P'engcouldseehowrealwerethepeasantscomplaints:"Ch'enChiung-ming'stroopshavemadethisplacemiserable.Theystealanythinginsight,theyrobandrape,sothatevenghostsarescaredwhensoldiersturnup."TheArmywantedmoney,andlandlordsandgentryknewhowtogetit;whenthepeasantsprotested,"theArmywentandimprisonedthem."1s6Atthemercyofbandits,heldtoransombythepolice,despoiledbythetroops,thepeasantshadbecomehopelesslydisorientedandleaderlessbeforethespreadoftheUnion.TheywerelookingforsomeonetoleadthemonagainafterCh'en'sbetrayal,andtorestoretheirdignityasclanandvillagemembersandtheirhonorasfightersforaFlag.'Ctp品论天涯网

一些团选择留在广州，粤军人数减少，转移到粤东，分为两个指挥部：惠州的广东总指挥部，和汕头的潮梅指挥部。广东再次转而拥护孙中山，胡汉民任省长。粤军日益衰败，几乎只是个人与地方利益的拼合。对陈炯明的忠诚使它维系在一起，但陈无法提供明确的政策和目标。早年入伍并忠诚到底的邱国珍说，“没有值得为之战斗的理想”。陈没有试图让部下相信自己的联省自治主张有何价值;战争一次次进行，或胜或败，士兵却不明白其意义。晋升毫无制度，通常取决于裙带关系和地方关系，因而不满很多。粤军曾是海陆丰的骄傲，如今却成为压迫卑微者的机器的一部分。1923年回到海丰的士兵，行为已经不同：薪饷只剩过去的一小部分，他们便索取现金和粮食。彭湃那年夏天写信，看到农民的抱怨多么真实：“陈炯明的兵，把这里弄得苦不堪言。看见什么就偷，抢劫强奸，兵一来，连鬼都怕。”军队要钱，地主与士绅知道怎样弄钱;农民抗议时，“军队就去抓他们入狱”。农民遭土匪摆布，被警察勒索，又被军队掠夺;农会扩展以前，他们已彻底迷失方向，没有领袖。他们在陈炯明背弃之后，寻找一个重新带领自己的人，恢复作为宗族和村庄成员的尊严，以及作为旗组织战士的荣誉。Ctp品论天涯网

TheUnion'ssuccessintheYüK'uncaselefttheLandlordSocietystunnedand"afraidtomove."Ch'enYüeh-potooktodrawinglotsattheCityGodtemple.Themedum'smessagewasthat"thePeasantUnionisassuredofvictory,"aprognosticationthatledtheoldmantocallameetingoftheSocietyandtosubmithisresignation.Healsoreferredtoapoeimnwhoselastlineran:"LetHan-vühavehiswav."("Han-yü"wasP'engP'ai'schildhoodname.)Ch'endeclaredthatincompliancewiththeoraclehehimselfwouldbedepartingforHongKonginamatterofdays.Thisface-savingdevice,notesP'eng,wasfoundacceptable,andCh'enHsiao-lunwasthendelegatedtofindoutwhatthePeasantUnionwasreallyupto,inordertoworkoutifpossibleamodusvivendi.SinceCh'enChiung-minghadap.parentlygiventheUnionhisblessingwithaneyetousingitsforces,thelandlordscouldonlyseekclarificationof"whethercommunizedpropertywasenvisagedforthefuture."TheUnionreplied:"Weareworkingforthepeasants'interests,whichinfactaugurswellalsoforthelandlords'wallets."TheUnion'sreasoningtooktheformofatersestatementofsocialeconomy.Ifpeasantswereoppressedandstarved,itwouldbedifficultifnotimpossibleforlandlordstocollectanyrent;givenadecentlife,peasantswouldneverturntotheftandlandlordscouldsleeppeacefullyintheirbeds;thereforeagoodlifeforthepeasantsmeantcontentedworkforthelandlordsandanendtohostilities.Therewere"somanyadvantagesforthelandlords."Ch'enHsiao-lunwasconvincedbythis,sayingthelandlordswere"pitifulanddisgustingpeople."Heattributedtheconflictuntlthentoanenormousmisunderstandingonbothsides:"BeforeIheardwhatyouhavesaid,Ialsoopposedyou,butnowIunderstand.Imustexplainittothem."TheonlybastionofconservatismstilladamantlyopposedtotheUnionwastheLu'anDailygroup,joinedbyWangTso-hsinandCh'iuChing·yün,bothformerteachersofCh'enChiung-ming.ThevwereinfrequenttouchwithCh'en,regularlydenouncingthePeasantUnionandespecallythepeasants'recentpetition,sothatCh'eneventuallywaspersuadedthatthecourtvictory'turnedprominentpeopleagainstthePeasantUnion."Ctp品论天涯网

农会在余坤案中获胜，使地主会惊愕不已，“不敢行动”。陈月波开始到城隍庙求签。乩示说，“农会必胜”;这预言使老人召集地主会，提出辞职。他还提到一首诗，末句是“任汉育行”。“汉育”是彭湃的乳名。陈说，自己遵照神谕，再过几天便去香港。彭湃记述，这种保全面子的办法获得接受;随后派陈小伦去查明农会究竟想做什么，尽可能找出共存之道。陈炯明显然为了利用农会力量而给予支持，地主也只能要求澄清，“将来是否打算实行财产公有”。农会回答：“我们为农民利益工作，实际上也有利于地主的钱袋。”农会以简明的社会经济论述解释：农民受压迫、挨饿，地主便难以、甚至无法收租;农民生活过得去，就不会偷盗，地主也能安睡;因此，农民过好日子，就能安心为地主耕作，敌对也可结束。这对地主“有许多好处”。陈小伦被说服了，说地主是“可怜又可厌的人”。他把此前冲突归因于双方巨大的误解：“没听你们说以前，我也反对你们;现在明白了，必须向他们解释。”仍然坚决反对农会的保守堡垒，只有《陆安日报》集团，加上陈炯明的两位旧教师王作新和丘景云。他们经常与陈联系，不断告发农会，尤其攻击农民最近的请愿，终于使陈相信，法庭上的胜利“使显要人物转而反对农会”。Ctp品论天涯网

WithsomansareasfallingunderU'noncontrolitwasmperativetotrainstaff.Thebranchcountyorganizations,saveinHaifengandLufeng,wereallshaky,thereasonforthisbeing"thedearthofcomradesandskilledhelp."P'engP'aidescribedsuchbranchesas"signboards,"realonlyinname.HewrotetoLiinJulyofhisrecurringdreamthathewassearchingeverywhereforhelp:"Ah!Wherearethecomrades?"Membershipwasevidentlyscatteredintheruralareasratherthanconcentratedintowns.ThenewProvincialPeasantUnion,itsexecutivecommitteeandconstitutionnotwithstandimg,wasamerefacade.'Forexample,whenPengP'aivisitedTzuchin'scountycapitalhecouldnotfindoneunionmembertogivehimsomefinancialassistance.OnereasonforthedirectionstheUnion'sexpansiontookmayhavetodowiththesalttrailsleadingfromHaifeng,forpeopleinvillagesalongthetrailsmusthavebeenkeptinformedofUnionachievements.TherewerealsolocalbanditswhobegansidingwiththeUnionandprotectingitsmembers—afactnotlostonthereactionaries,whowerequicktocabledenunciationstoCh'enChiung-ming.ClearlytheHakkalinks,thesalt-trailconnections,theTriadramifications,andthebanditconnectionsingeneralfurtheredUniongrowth.Tothemmightbeaddedthelineageandclanrelationshipsthatwentbeyondthecountyboundaries.TheP'enginLufeng,forinstance,couldnotbedeaftocallsfromthenewleaderinHaifeng:laterduringtheSoviettheywouldformthebackboneoftheHakkaArmy.LinSuurgedthat"aslongastheclansystemisofsomeusetoourwork,weshouldexploitit."ButoutstandingamongallthereasonsforthepeasantswassurelytheexampleofP'engP'aihimself,amanofmeanswhohadbecomeoneofthem.ThereisnodoubtingthevenerationaccordedtoP'engthroughoutEastKwangtung.Allthesereasonswerefarfromideological,asthe"comrades"wouldhavehadthembe.Ctp品论天涯网

随着许多地区归农会掌握，培训工作人员已刻不容缓。除海丰和陆丰外，各县分支都很不稳固，原因是“缺少同志和熟练帮手”。彭湃把这些分会形容为“招牌”，有名无实。他在七月给李春涛的信中，谈到自己反复做的梦：到处找人帮忙，“啊!同志在哪里?”会员显然分散在农村，而非集中于城镇。新成立的省农会，虽有执行委员会和章程，却只是空架子。例如，彭湃到紫金县城，竟找不到一名农会会员给他一点经济援助。农会扩展的方向，或许有一部分与海丰通出的盐路有关，因为沿途村民一定不断听说农会的成绩。一些当地土匪也开始支持农会，保护会员;反动派注意到这一点，立刻发电向陈炯明告状。显然，客家关系、盐路联系、三合会网络及一般的土匪关系，都促进了农会成长，还可以加上跨越县界的支族、宗族关系。譬如陆丰彭氏，不可能对海丰新领袖的呼吁无动于衷;后来苏维埃时期，他们会成为客家军的骨干。林苏主张，“只要宗族制度对我们的工作还有用，就应利用它”。不过，对农民来说，所有理由中最突出的，无疑是彭湃本人的榜样：一个富有的人，成了他们中的一员。粤东各地对彭湃的敬仰，不容怀疑。所有这些理由，都远非“同志们”希望见到的意识形态理由。Ctp品论天涯网

Intheearlysummerof1923,Ch'enChiung-mingreturnedfromHongKongandreassumedhisoldauthorityinhishomearea.AnewstrugglenowaroseovertheelectionofacountymagistratetofollowLüT'ieh-ts'o.OnLü'sdeparture,Ch'engavetheposttemporarilytohisoldteacherCh'iuChing-yün,amanmuchdislikedineducationalcircles.TheteachersandstudentsopposedtoCh'iuquicklyconvincedthePeasantU'nionthatitsowninterestswereinjeopardy,butthattogethertheycouldkeepCh'iuout."Abigmeetingofcitizenswascalled."InthemindoftheUnionleaders,"themanwhomightbeamagistrateandwhowouldalsoshowahittleimnterestinthepeasantsdidnotexist."However,theimntellectualspersuadedthepeasantsthattheirnominationdidhaveachanceofbeingaccepted,butthat"iftheUnioncouldnotfindasutableman,theofficewouldnaturallyfallintothehandsofthegentry."WhowasbetterqualifiedthanP'engP'at?IndeedtheLu'anDailywasbusyspreadingrumorsofhiscandidacyalready,perhapstoscarethereactionarycampintoactionandpreemptanyfavorableconsiderationofP'engonthepartofCh'enChiung-ming.TheUnionwiselydecidedthatanall-outpoliticalengagementatthisstagewouldbeinopportune,andthatacompromisewaspreferable."Tosolvethequestionquicklv,weproposedMaHuan-hsin,"theheadoftheUnion'seducationdepartment.Acceptableineducationalcircles,hehadgentryconnectionsasarelativeofthepowerfulMaYü-hang,hailedfromalandlordfamily,andwasapetty-landlordhimself.Butthereactionarycampcouldnotaffordan-otherdefeat,andaftermuchlobbyingarrangedthingssothatwhenthetimecameforthecitizens'meeting,Ch'enChiungminghadalreadyappointedWangTso-hsinasmagistrate.Thefiatofthe(ldCommanderavoidedanawkwardsituation.TheintelligentsiahadatleastpreventedCh'iufromretainingthepost,sotherewaspartalconsolation.ButtheUnionhadhopedtousethecitizens'meetingtoshowitsstrength,andthelowturnoutofpeasants(afewhundred)wasaclearindicationofwherethepeasants'realconcernslay.TheUnionputdownthedismissalofCh'iutoitsslogan"Bvthepowerofthepeople,"butithadfailedinitsplan"tochooseacountymagistrateatthemeeting."Thepeasantsshowednointerest,andthusthefirstpoliticalenterpriseoftheUnionledbyitsintelligentsiawasafailure."Ctp品论天涯网

1923年初夏，陈炯明从香港回来，在家乡重新掌握旧有权力。吕铁槎离职后，围绕继任县长的选举，又发生了新的斗争。吕离开时，陈暂把职位交给自己的旧教师丘景云，此人在教育界很不受欢迎。反对邱的师生，很快说服农会：它自身的利益也受威胁，但双方联合便能阻止邱上任。“召开了一次大型市民大会。”农会领袖认为，“可能当县长而又稍微关心农民的人，根本不存在”。然而，知识分子说服农民，相信他们提名的人有可能获准;但“农会若找不到合适的人，职位自然就会落入士绅手中”。谁比彭湃更适合呢?事实上，《陆安日报》已经忙着散布他将竞选的传言，可能是要惊动反动阵营，促使其行动，也预先阻止陈炯明对彭湃作有利考虑。农会明智地决定，此时全面投入政治不合时宜，宁可妥协。“为迅速解决问题，我们提出马焕新”，即农会教育部负责人。他获教育界认可，又是有权势的马育航的亲戚，与士绅有联系，出身地主家庭，自己也是小地主。但反动阵营不能再输一次，经多方游说，终于在市民大会开会前，安排陈炯明任命王作新为县长。老帅的一道命令，避免了尴尬局面。知识分子至少阻止了邱继续留任，多少得到一点安慰。但农会原想利用大会显示力量，农民出席者却很少，只有几百人，清楚表明他们真正关心什么。农会把邱的去职归功于“凭民众的力量”这一口号，却未能实现“在大会选出县长”的计划。农民没有兴趣，因此，农会由知识分子领导的第一次政治行动，失败了。Ctp品论天涯网

AbrighternotewasthepromulgationofaconstitutionfortheProvincialPeasantUnion,setoutwithitstenchaptersand33sectionsinP'eng'slettertoLiofJuly7,1923.16Thoughinpracticetheorganizationwasoftenthreadbare,thenewconstitutionmarkstheconsolidationoftheUnion'sexpansion,andshowsclearlythenatureandaimnsoftheUnionduringitsearlydevelopment.Inhisletter,P'engP'airevealsthattheconstitutionwaspatternedaftertheoneadoptedbytheSYC.Aswiththeformercountyandareaconstitutions,thepulltowardleftistblueprintswasstrong,butitwascheckedbyreality.Thearticlesoftheconsttution,aswellasthemodeandconditionsoftheirapplication,confirmedthePeasantUniontobeasocialmovementratherthanapurelypoliticalone.T'heanmsclearlyreflectedpracticalneedsofthepeasants;buttheopennesstointellectualadvicealsomadetheUnionamenabletopoliticalinvolvement,whichwassurelyin-tendedbythedrafters.'"Itaccommodatedthetraditonalpeasantoutlookyetleftroomforthemodernperspectiveofintellectualsbentonrevolution.OnlywhenwelookattheProvincialUnionleadershipisanybiasapparent.Thebalancebetweanpeasantandintelhigentstaisevidentenoughntheexecutivecommittee,butofthetendepartmentsonlytwo(FinanceandResearch)werechairedbypeasants.ThiswasaportentoftheUnion'slaterdevelopment.Ctp品论天涯网

较为可喜的是，省农会颁布了章程，十章三十三条全文载于彭湃1923年7月7日致李春涛的信中。虽然组织实际上往往十分单薄，新章程仍标志着扩展成果的巩固，也清楚显示了农会早期发展的性质和目标。彭湃在信中透露，章程仿照社会主义青年团的章程拟订。与以前县、约一级的章程一样，左翼方案具有强大吸引力，但受到现实制约。条文本身及其实施方式、条件，都证明农会是一个社会运动，而非纯粹的政治运动。目标清楚反映农民的实际需要;但乐于听取知识分子意见，也使农会容易卷入政治，这无疑正合起草者的意图。它容纳传统农民的眼光，也给一心革命的知识分子的现代视野留下空间。只有观察省农会领导层时，才看得出偏向。执行委员会里，农民与知识分子的平衡相当明显;但十个部门中，只有财政和调查两部由农民主持。这预示了农会后来的发展。Ctp品论天涯网

TheUnionwasnowsoconspicuous,anditsfamesogreat,thatemissariesweresenttoP'engP'aifromCantoninvitinghimthereforadiscussionwithCh'enTu-hsiu.TheideaofusingthePeasantUnionintheEastRiverarea,mainlydirectedbySYCmembers,forthepoliticalpurposeofunderminingCh'enChiung-mingwassurelyinthemindsoftheleadersinCanton.Significantly,P'engwasbynowcloseenoughtotheCommuniststouseCh'enTu-hsiu'sPartyaliasinwritingabouttheproposedmeeting,andalsotobequotedinaninternalPartycommunicationashavingpromisedthem"afullreport.'Ctp品论天涯网

此时农会如此引人注目，声名如此显赫，以致广州派人来找彭湃，邀请他前去与陈独秀商谈。广州领袖心中，无疑已有把主要由青年团员领导的东江农会，用于削弱陈炯明这一政治目的的想法。值得注意的是，彭湃如今与共产党人已相当接近：他写到拟议中的会面时，使用了陈独秀的党内化名;一份党内通信还引述他承诺提交“一份完整报告”。Ctp品论天涯网

Atthispoint,however,natureintervenedtogivethepeasantleadershipaleftwardimpulseitwouldneverlose.OnJuly26,atremendoustyphoonstrucktheHaifengareawithmorethantwentyhoursofcontinuousgalesandrain.Housesandtreesfell;floodwaterskilledlivestockandwreckedtheautumnharvest.Alocalmissionarycomparedittoanearthquake.P'engP'aiwaspackingforhisjourneytoCantonwhentheblowcame,butUnionleadersatoncesettoworktomeettheemergency.'7"Ctp品论天涯网

但就在此时，自然灾害介入，使农会领导层获得了一股此后再未消失的向左推动力。7月26日，猛烈台风袭击海丰地区，狂风暴雨持续二十多个小时。房屋、树木倒塌，洪水淹死牲畜，毁掉秋收。一名当地传教士把它比作地震。灾害到来时，彭湃正在收拾行装准备去广州，农会领袖随即着手应付紧急情况。Ctp品论天涯网